Edward II of England: Difference between revisions
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{{Infobox royalty |
{{Infobox royalty |
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| name = Edward II |
| name = Edward II |
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| image = Edward II - |
| image = Edward II - detail of tomb.jpg |
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| caption = |
| caption = Effigy of King Edward II in [[Gloucester Cathedral]] |
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| succession = [[List of English monarchs|King of England]] |
| succession = [[List of English monarchs|King of England]] |
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| moretext = [[Styles of English sovereigns|(more...)]] |
| moretext = [[Styles of English sovereigns|(more...)]] |
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| successor = [[Edward III of England|Edward III]] |
| successor = [[Edward III of England|Edward III]] |
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| spouse = [[Isabella of France]] (m. 1308) |
| spouse = [[Isabella of France]] (m. 1308) |
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| issue = [[Edward III of England]] (b. 1312)<br>[[John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall]] (b. 1316)<br>[[Eleanor of Woodstock|Eleanor, Countess of Guelders]] (b. 1318)<br>[[Joan of the Tower|Joan, Queen of Scots]] (b. 1321)<br>[[Adam FitzRoy]] (b. |
| issue = [[Edward III of England]] (b. 1312)<br>[[John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall]] (b. 1316)<br>[[Eleanor of Woodstock|Eleanor, Countess of Guelders]] (b. 1318)<br>[[Joan of the Tower|Joan, Queen of Scots]] (b. 1321)<br>[[Adam FitzRoy]] (b. 1307) |
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| house = [[House of Plantagenet]] |
| house = [[House of Plantagenet]] |
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| father = [[Edward I of England]] |
| father = [[Edward I of England]] |
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| mother = [[Eleanor of Castile (1246-1290)|Eleanor of Castile]] |
| mother = [[Eleanor of Castile (1246-1290)|Eleanor of Castile]] |
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| religion= [[Roman |
| religion= [[Roman Catholic]] |
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| birth_date = {{birth date|1284|4|25|df=yes}} |
| birth_date = {{birth date|1284|4|25|df=yes}} |
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| birth_place = [[Caernarfon Castle]], [[Gwynedd]] |
| birth_place = [[Caernarfon Castle]], [[Gwynedd]] |
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| death_date = |
| death_date = {{death date and age|1327|9|21|1284|4|25|df=yes}} |
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| death_place = |
| death_place = [[Berkeley Castle]], Gloucestershire |
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| place of burial = [[Gloucester Cathedral]], Gloucestershire |
| place of burial = [[Gloucester Cathedral]], Gloucestershire |
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}} |
}} |
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'''Edward II''' (25 April 1284 – 21 September 1327), also called '''Edward of Caernarfon''', |
'''Edward II''' (25 April 1284 – 21 September 1327), also called '''Edward of Caernarfon''', was [[List of English monarchs|King of England]] from 1307 until he was [[deposition (politics)|deposed]] in January 1327. The fourth son of [[Edward I of England|Edward I]], Edward became the heir to the throne following the death of his older brother [[Alphonso, Earl of Chester|Alfonso]]. He grew up to be tall, athletic and was considered good-looking by his contemporaries. From 1300 onward, Edward accompanied his father on his [[Wars of Scottish Independence|campaigns to pacify Scotland]], and in 1307 he was knighted in a [[Feast of the Swans|grand ceremony]] at [[Westminster Abbey]]. Edward succeeded to the throne later that year, following his father's death. In 1308 he married [[Isabella of France]], the daughter of the powerful [[Philip IV of France|King Philip IV]], as part of a long-running effort to resolve the tensions between the English and French crowns. |
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Edward had a very close relationship with [[Piers Gaveston]], who had first joined his household in 1300. The precise nature of Edward and Gaveston's relationship is uncertain; they may have been friends, [[gay|lovers]] or [[blood brother|sworn brothers]]. Gaveston's position as Edward's [[favourite]] provoked discontent both among the barons and the French royal family, and Edward was forced to [[exile]] him. On Gaveston's return, the King was pressured into agreeing to wide-ranging reforms called the [[Ordinances of 1311]]. Gaveston was banished by the barons, to which Edward responded by revoking the reforms and recalling his favourite. Led by Edward's cousin, the [[Thomas, 2nd Earl of Lancaster|Earl of Lancaster]], a group of the barons seized and executed Gaveston in 1312, beginning several years of armed confronation. England was pushed back onto the defensive in Scotland, where Edward was decisively defeated by [[Robert the Bruce]] at the [[Battle of Bannockburn]] in 1314. [[Great Famine of 1315–17|Widespread famine]] followed, and criticism of the King mounted. |
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The Despenser family, in particular [[Hugh Despenser the Younger]], became close friends and advisers to Edward, but in 1321 Lancaster and many of the barons seized the Despensers' lands and forced the King to exile them. In response, Edward led a [[Despenser War|short military campaign]], capturing and executing Lancaster. Edward and the Despensers strengthened their grip on power, revoking the 1311 reforms, executing their enemies and confiscating estates. Unable to make progress in Scotland, Edward finally signed a truce with Robert. Opposition to the regime grew, and when Isabella was sent to France to negotiate a peace treaty in 1325, she turned against Edward and refused to return. Isabella allied herself with the exiled [[Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March|Roger Mortimer]], and invaded England with a small army in 1326. Edward's regime collapsed and he fled into Wales, where he was captured in November. Edward was forced to relinquish his crown in January 1327 in favour of his son, [[Edward III of England|Edward III]], and he died in [[Berkeley Castle]] on 21 September, probably murdered on the orders of the new regime. |
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Edward's relationship with Gaveston inspired [[Christopher Marlowe]]'s 1592 play ''[[Edward II (play)|Edward II]]'', along with other plays, films, novels and media. Many of these have focused on the possible homosexual relationship between the two men. Edward's contemporaries were highly critical of his performance as a king, noting his failures in Scotland and the oppressive regime of his later years, although 19th-century academics argued that the growth of [[Parliament of England|parliamentary institutions]] during his reign were a positive development for England over the longer term. Debate has continued into the 21st century as to whether Edward was a lazy and incompetent king, or simply a reluctant and ultimately unsuccessful ruler. |
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==Background== |
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Edward II was the fourth son of [[Edward I of England|Edward I]] and his first wife, [[Eleanor of Castile]].<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=3}}</ref> His father was the [[King of England]], and had also inherited [[Gascony]] in south-western France, which he held as the [[feudal]] vassal of the [[King of France]], and the [[Lordship of Ireland]].<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|1988|pp=13-14}}</ref> His mother was from the Castilian royal family, and held the [[County of Ponthieu]] in northern France. Edward I proved to be a successful military leader, leading the [[Second Barons' War|suppression of the baronial revolts]] in the 1260s, and joining the [[Ninth Crusade]].<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=33}}</ref> During the 1280s he [[Conquest of Wales by Edward I|conquered North Wales]], removing the [[Welsh people|native Welsh]] princes from power, and in the 1290s he [[Wars of Scottish independence|intervened in Scotland's civil war]], claiming [[suzerainty]] over the country.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|pp=5-6}}</ref> He was a considered an extremely successful ruler by his contemporaries, largely able to control the powerful [[earl]]s that formed the senior ranks of the English nobility.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=38}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=5}}; {{harvnb|Given-Wilson|1996|pp=29-30}}</ref> The historian Michael Prestwich describes Edward I as "a king to inspire fear and respect", while John Gillingham characterises him as an efficient bully.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=38}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=5}}; {{cite web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750063.ece | title=Hard on Wales | separator = ,| postscript =none | accessdate=22 April 2014 | last1= Gillingham| first1= John | website=Times Literary Supplement | publisher=Times Literary Supplement | year = 2008 }}</ref> |
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Despite his successes, Edward I died leaving a range of challenges for his son to resolve.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=25}}</ref> One of the most challenging was the problem of Scotland, where Edward's long and ultimately inconclusive military campaign was still ongoing when he died.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=241}}</ref> Edward's control of Gascony was a source of ongoing tension with the French kings.<ref name=Brown1988P575>{{harvnb|Brown|1988|p=575}}</ref> The French kings considered Gascony to be part of the Kingdom of France, and were insistent that the English kings should give [[homage]] to them for the lands; repeated English kings had seen this demand as insulting to their honour, and the issue remained unresolved.<ref name=Brown1988P575/> Edward I also faced increasing opposition from the his barons over the taxation and requisitions required to resource his wars, and left debts of around £200,000 on his death.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=129}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|pp=30-31, 93-94}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|It is impossible to accurate covert sums of medieval money into modern incomes and prices. For comparison, it cost Edward's father, Edward I, around £15,000 to build the [[Conwy Castle|castle]] and [[Conwy town walls|town walls]] of Conwy, while the annual income of a 14th-century nobleman such as [[Richard le Scrope, 1st Baron Scrope of Bolton|Richard le Scrope]] was around £600 a year.<ref>{{harvnb|Ashbee|2007|p=9}}; {{harvnb|Given-Wilson|1996|p=157}}</ref>|group="nb"}} |
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==Early life (1284-1307)== |
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===Birth=== |
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[[File:Caernarfon Castle 1994.jpg|thumb|[[Caernarfon Castle]], Edward's birthplace]] |
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Edward II was born in [[Caernarfon Castle]] in [[North Wales]] on 25 April 1284, less than a year after Edward I had conquered the region, and as a result is sometimes called Edward of Caernarfon.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=33, 36}}</ref> The King probably deliberately chose the castle as the location for Edward's birth, as it was an important symbolic location for the native Welsh, associated with [[Roman Britain|Roman imperial history]], and formed the centre of the his new royal administration of North Wales.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=35-36}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=3}}</ref> Edward's birth brought with it predictions of greatness, with contemporary [[prophet]]s, who believed that the [[Last Days]] of the world were imminent, declaring him to be a new [[King Arthur]], who would lead England to glory.<ref>{{harvnb|Coote|2000|pp=84-86}}</ref> [[David Powel]], a 16th-century clergyman, suggested that the baby was offered to the Welsh as a prince "that was borne in Wales and could speake never a word of English", but there is no evidence to support this account.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=36}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=3-4}}</ref> |
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Edward's name was [[Middle English|English]] in origin, linking him to the [[Anglo-Saxon]] [[saint]] [[Edward the Confessor]], and was chosen by his father in contrast to the more traditional [[Norman language|Norman]] and [[Castilian language|Castilian]] names selected for Edward's brothers.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=39}}</ref> Edward had three elder brothers, John and Henry, who had died before Edward was born, and [[Alphonso, Earl of Chester|Alfonso]], who died in August 1284, leaving Edward as the heir to the throne.<ref name=Phillips2011P40>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=40}}</ref> Although Edward was a relatively healthy child, there were enduring concerns throughout his early years that he too might die and leave his father without a male heir.<ref name=Phillips2011P40/> After his birth, Edward was looked after for a few months by a [[wet-nurse]] called Mariota or Mary Maunsel, until she fell ill, when Alice de Leygrave became his foster mother.<ref name=PhillipsChaplaisHaines>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=37, 47}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=5}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=4}}</ref> He would have barely known his natural mother Eleanor, who was in Gascony during his earliest years.<ref name=PhillipsChaplaisHaines/> An official household complete with staff was created for the new baby, under the direction of a clerk, Giles of Oudenarde.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=47}}</ref> |
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===Childhood, personality and appearance=== |
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[[File:Gal nations edward i.jpg|thumb|upright|Portrait in [[Westminster Abbey]], thought to be of Edward's father, [[Edward I of England|Edward I]]]] |
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Spending on Edward's personal household increased as Edward grew older, and in 1293 William of Blyborough took over as its administrator.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=48}}</ref> Edward was probably given a religious education by the [[Dominican friar]], whom his mother invited into his household in 1290.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2006|p=226}}</ref> He was assigned one of his grandmother's followers, Guy Ferre, as his ''magister'', who was responsible for his discipline, training him in riding and military skills.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=53-54}}</ref> It is uncertain how well educated Edward was; there is little evidence for his ability to read and write, although his mother was keen that other of her children were well educated, and Ferre was himself a relatively learned man for the period.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=55-57}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=11}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Earlier histories of Edward II considered him to be poorly educated, principally because he took his coronation oath in French, rather than Latin, and because of his interest in agricultural crafts. His use of French at his coronation is no longer interpreted in this fashion, but there is little other evidence to show to what extent Edward was educated. The links drawn between an interest in crafts and low intelligence are no longer considered accurate.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2006|pp=53}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=11}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=45-46}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward probably mainly spoke [[Anglo-Norman French]] in his daily life, in addition to some English and possibly [[Latin]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=60}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|The historian Seymour Phillips considers it more probable Edward possessed some Latin; Roy Haines is less convinced.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2006|pp=53}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=11}}</ref>|group="nb"}} |
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Edward had a relatively normal childhood for a member of a royal family.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|pp=5-6}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=45}}</ref> |
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{{#tag:ref|Earlier historical accounts of Edward have suggested that his childhood was marred by a lack of contact with his family and an absence of familial affection, influencing his later personality and problems; although his father Edward I, is still considered to have been an "irascible and demanding" figure, Edward's childhood is no longer felt to have been unusual for the period, or particularly isolated.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|pp=5-6}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=43-45}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=4-5}}</ref>|group="nb"}} The prince was interested in horses and [[horsebreeding]], and became an good rider; he also liked dogs, in particular [[greyhound]]s.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|pp=6-8}}</ref> In his letters, he shows a quirky sense of humour, joking about sending unsatisfactory animals to his friends, such as horses who disliked carrying their riders, or lazy hunting dogs too slow to catch rabbits.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|p=8}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=7}}</ref> He was not, however, particularly interested in [[hunting]] or [[falconry]], both typically popular activities in the 14th century.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=73-74}}</ref> He enjoyed music, including [[Welsh music]] and the newly invented [[crwth]] instrument, as well as [[Organ (music)|musical organs]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=37, 74}}; {{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|p=9}}</ref> He did not take part in [[jousting]], either because he lacked the aptitude or because he had been banned from participating for his personal safety, but he was certainly supportive of the sport.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|p=6}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=40}}</ref> |
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Edward grew up to be tall, muscular and was considered to be good looking by the standards of the period.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=71}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=41}}</ref> He had a reputation as a competent public speaker and was known for his generosity to his household staff.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=73}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=61}}</ref> Unusually, however, he enjoyed [[Watercraft rowing|rowing]], as well as [[hedge|hedging]] and [[ditch]]ing, and enjoyed associating with labourers and other lower-class workers.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=72-73}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=72}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|The historian Seymour Phillips notes, however, that there is relatively little hard evidence to support the statements made by contemporaries about Edward's enjoyment of rural past-times.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=72}}</ref>|group="nb"}} This behaviour was not considered normal for the nobility of the period and attracted considerable criticism from contemporaries.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=72}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=72}}</ref> |
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In 1290, Edward's father confirmed the [[Treaty of Birgham]], in which he promised to marry his six-year old son to the young [[Margaret, Maid of Norway|Margaret of Norway]], who had a potential claim to the crown of Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=41}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=19}}</ref> Margaret died later that year, bringing an end to the plan.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=42}}</ref> Edward's mother, Eleanor, died shortly afterwards, followed by his grandmother, [[Eleanor of Provence]].<ref name=Phillips2011P43>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=43}}</ref> Edward I was distraught at his wife's death and held a huge funeral for her; his son inherited the County of Ponthieu from Eleanor on her death.<ref name=Phillips2011P43/> Next, a French marriage was considered for the young Edward, to help secure peace with France, but war broke out.<ref name=Phillips2011PP77HallamEverard>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=77-78}}; {{harvnb|Hallam|Everard|2001|p=360}}</ref> The idea was replaced with the proposal of a marriage to a daughter of the [[Guy, Count of Flanders|Count of Flanders]], but this too fell through after it was blocked by [[Philip IV of France]].<ref name=Phillips2011PP77HallamEverard/> |
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===Early campaigns in Scotland=== |
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[[File:Edward I & II Prince of Wales 1301.jpg|thumb|upright|Early 14th-century depiction of Edward I (left) declaring his son Edward (right) the Prince of Wales]] |
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Between 1297 and 1298, Edward was left in charge of England while Edward I campaigned in [[Flanders]] against Philip IV, who had occupied part of the English King's lands in Gascony.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=78-79}}</ref> On his return, Edward I agreed a [[Treaty of Paris (1303)|peace treaty]], under which he took Philip's sister, [[Margaret of France, Queen of England|Margaret]], as his wife and agreed that Prince Edward would in due course marry Philip's daughter, [[Isabella of France|Isabella]], who was then only two years old.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=80-81}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=30}}</ref> In theory, this marriage would mean that the disputed Duchy of Gascony would be inherited by a descendant of both Edward and Philip, providing a possible end to the long-running tensions.<ref>{{harvnb|Brown|1988|p=574}}</ref> The young Edward seems to have got on well with his new mother-in-law, who gave birth to Edward's two half-brothers, [[Thomas of Brotherton, 1st Earl of Norfolk|Thomas]] and [[Edmund of Woodstock, 1st Earl of Kent|Edmund]], in 1300 and 1301.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=81-82}}; {{harvnb|Marshall|2006|p=190}}</ref> As king, Edward later provided his brothers with financial support and titles.<ref name=Marshall2006PP198>{{harvnb|Marshall|2006|pp=198-199}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Edward II faced criticism from contemporaries for favouring Gaveston above his half-brothers, although detailed research by Alison Marshall shows more generosity, Marshall arguing that "for once", Edward was criticised unfairly.<ref name=Marshall2006PP198/>|group="nb"}} |
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Edward I returned to Scotland once again in 1300, and this time took his son with him, making him the commander of the rearguard at the siege of [[Caerlaverock Castle|Caerlaverock]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=82-84}}</ref> In the spring of 1301, the King declared Edward the [[Prince of Wales]], granting him the [[Earldom of Chester]] and lands across North Wales; he seems to have hoped that this would help pacify the region, and that it would give his son more financial independence.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=85-87}}</ref> Edward received homage from his Welsh subjects and then joined his father for the 1301 Scottish campaign, taking an army of around 300 soldiers north with him, which successfully captured [[Turnberry Castle]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=88-90}}</ref> Edward also took part in the 1303 campaign, when he besieged [[Brechin Castle]], deploying his own siege engine in the operation.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=91-93}}</ref> In the spring of 1304, Edward conducted negotiations with the rebel Scottish leaders on the King's behalf and, when these failed, he joined his father for the siege of [[Stirling Castle]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=94-95}}</ref> |
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In 1305, Edward and his father quarreled, probably over the issue of money.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=104-105}}</ref> The Prince had an altercation with Bishop Walter Langton, who served as the royal treasurer, apparently over the amount of financial support Edward was receiving from the Crown.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=94-95}}</ref> Edward I defended his treasurer, and banished his son and his companions from his court, cutting off their financial support.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=95-96}}</ref> After some negotiations involving family members and friends, the two men were reconciled.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=107}}</ref> |
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The Scottish conflict flared up once again in 1307, when [[Robert the Bruce]] killed his rival [[John Comyn]] and declared himself the King of the Scots.<ref name=Phillips2011P199>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=109}}</ref> Edward I mobilised a fresh army, but decided that this time his son would be formally in charge of the expedition.<ref name=Phillips2011P199/> Prince Edward was made the [[Duke of Aquitaine]] and then, along with many other young men, he was knighted in a ceremony at [[Westminster Abbey]] called the [[Feast of the Swans]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=109-111}}</ref> Amid a huge feast in the neighbouring hall, reminiscent of [[Arthurian legend]]s and [[Crusades|crusading events]], the assembly took a collective oath to defeat Bruce.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=111}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|pp=29-30}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=16-17}}</ref> It is unclear what role Prince Edward's forces played in the campaign that summer, which, under the orders of Edward I, was saw a punitive, brutal retaliation against Bruce's faction in Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=111-115}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|The English 1306 campaign in Scotland was brutal, and the chronicler [[William Rishanger]] held Prince Edward responsible for savage attacks on the local population; the historian Seymour Phillips has noted that many of Rishanger's other details, however, are incorrect, and casts doubt on the chronicle's more extreme statements.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2006|pp=113-115}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward returned to England in September, where diplomatic negotiations to finalise a date for his wedding to Isabella were still continuing.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=116-117}}</ref> |
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===Piers Gaveston and sexuality=== |
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[[File:Gaveston Cornwall charter.jpg|thumb|upright|[[Initial]] from the [[charter]] granting [[Piers Gaveston]] the [[Earl of Cornwall|Earldom of Cornwall]]]] |
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During this time, Edward became close to a young man called [[Piers Gaveston]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=96}}</ref> Gaveston was the son of one of the King's household knights whose lands lay adjacent to Gascony, and joined Prince Edward's household in 1300, possibly on Edward I's instruction.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=96-97}}</ref> The two got on well, and Gaveston became a [[squire]], was soon being referred to as a close companion of Edward, before being knighted by the King during the Feast of Swans in 1306.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=96-97, 120}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=4}}</ref> Gaveston was then exiled to Gascony by the King in 1307, for reasons that remain unclear.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=112; 120-121}}</ref> According to one chronicler, Edward had asked his father to allow him to give Gaveston the County of Ponthieu, and the King responded furiously, pulling his son's hair out in great handfuls, before then permanently exiling Gaveston.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=120-121}}</ref> The official court records, however, show Gaveston being only temporarily exiled, supported by a comfortable stipend; no reason is given for the order, suggesting that it may have been an act aimed at punishing the prince in some way.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=120-123}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=20-21}}</ref> |
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The possibility that Edward had a [[homosexual]] relationship with Gaveston or his later favourites has been extensively discussed by historians, complicated by the paucity of surviving evidence to determine for certain the details of their relationships.<ref>{{harvnb|Ormrod|2006|p=22}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=20-21}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|John Boswell puts forward one of the most prominent arguments in favour of Edward and Gaveston having been homosexual lovers. Jeffrey Hamilton supports that the relationship was sexual, but that it was probably not overtly so. The historian Michael Prestwich is sympathetic to the argument that Edward and Gaveston had entered into a bond of adoptive brotherhood, but with a "sexual element" to both this and Edward's relationship with Despenser; Roy Haines echoes Prestwich's judgements; Miri Rubin argues in favour of their being friends, with a "very intense working relationship"; Seymour Phillips believes it most likely that Edward regarded Gaveston as his adoptive brother.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=72}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=374}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=31}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=102}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2006|p=23}}; {{harvnb|Hamilton|2010|pp=98-99}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Homosexuality was fiercely condemned by the Church in 14th-century England, who equated it with [[heresy]], but engaging in sex with another man did not necessarily define an individual's personal identity in the same way that it might do in the 21st century.<ref>{{harvnb|Ormrod|2006|pp=23-25}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=70}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=72}}</ref> Indeed, Edward and Gaveston both had sexual relationships with their wives, who bore them children; Edward also had an illegitimate son, and may also have had an affair with his niece, [[Eleanor de Clare]].<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=71}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=101}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=42-43}}</ref> |
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The contemporary evidence for a homosexual relationship comes primarily from an anonymous chronicler in the 1320s, who described how Edward "felt such love" for Gaveston that "he entered into a covenant of constancy, and bound himself with him before all other mortals with a bond of indissoluble love, firmly drawn up and fastened with a knot".<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=97}}</ref> The first specific suggestion that Edward engaged in sex with men was recorded in 1334, when [[Adam Orleton]], the [[Bishop of Winchester]], was accused of having stated in 1326 that Edward was a "sodomite", although Orleton defended himself by arguing that he had meant that Edward's advisor, [[Hugh Despenser the Younger]], was a sodomite, rather than the late King.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2006|p=50}}</ref> The Meaux Chronicle from the 1390s similarly notes that Edward gave himself "too much to the vice of sodomy."<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2006|p=52}}</ref> |
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Alternatively, Edward and Gaveston may have simply been friends, with a close working relationship.<ref>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|pp=31}}</ref> Contemporary [[chronicler]] comments are vaguely worded, Orleton's allegations were at least in part politically motivated, and closely resemble the highly politicised sodomy allegations made against Pope [[Boniface VIII]] and the [[Knights Templar]] in 1303 and 1308 respectively.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2006|pp=51-53}}</ref> Later chronicler accounts of Edward's activities may trace back to Orleton's original allegations, and were certainly adversely coloured by the events at the end of Edward's reign.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2006|p=52}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=102}}</ref> Historians such as [[Michael Prestwich]] and [[J. R. S. Phillips|Seymour Phillips]] argue that the very public nature of the English royal court would have it unlikely that any homosexual affairs would have remained discreet, and that observe that neither the contemporary Church, Edward's father nor his father-in-law appear to have made any adverse comments about Edward's sexual behaviour.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=70-71}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=9}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=99}}</ref> |
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Although Edward fathered at least five children by two women, he was rumoured by some to have been [[bisexual]]. His inability to deny even the most grandiose favours to his unpopular male [[favourite]]s (first a [[Gascony|Gascon]] knight named [[Piers Gaveston]], later a young English lord named [[Hugh Despenser the Younger|Hugh Despenser]]) led to constant political unrest, and his eventual deposition. |
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A more recent theory is that Edward and Gaveston entered into a bond of [[blood brother|adoptive brotherhood]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=100}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|pp=11-13}}</ref> Compacts of adoptive brotherhood, in which the participants pledged to support each other in a form of "brotherhood-in-arms", were not unknown between close male friends in the Middle Ages.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=14-19}}</ref> Many chroniclers described Edward and Gaveston's relationship as one of brotherhood, and one explicitly noted that Edward had taken Gaveston as his adopted brother.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=102}}</ref> The historian Pierre Chaplais argues that the pair may have made a formal compact in either 1300 or 1301, and that they would have seen any later promises they made to separate or to leave each other as having been made under duress, and therefore invalid.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|pp=20-22.}}</ref> Such a compact, however, might not have excluded their relationship from having a sexual dimension as well.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=72}}</ref> |
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Edward I had [[Conquest of Wales by Edward I|pacified Gwynedd and some other parts of Wales]] and the Scottish lowlands, but never exerted a comprehensive conquest. However, the army of Edward II was devastatingly [[Battle of Bannockburn|defeated at Bannockburn]], freeing Scotland from English control and allowing Scottish forces to raid unchecked throughout the north of England. |
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==Early reign (1307-11)== |
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In addition to these disasters, Edward II is remembered for his probable death in Berkeley Castle, allegedly by murder, and for being the first monarch to establish colleges at Oxford and Cambridge: [[Oriel College]] at Oxford and [[King's Hall, Cambridge|King's Hall]], a predecessor of [[Trinity College, Cambridge|Trinity College]], at Cambridge. |
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===Coronation and marriage=== |
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[[File:Edward II - British Library Royal 20 A ii f10 (detail).jpg|thumb|Edward II shown receiving the English crown in a contemporary illustration]] |
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Edward I mobilised another army for the Scottish campaign in 1307, which Prince Edward was due to join that summer.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=123}}</ref> The elderly King had been increasingly unwell, however, and died on 7 July at [[Burgh by Sands]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=123}}</ref> Edward travelled up from London immediately after the news reached him, and on 20 July he was proclaimed king; he continued north into Scotland and on 4 August received homage from his Scottish supporters at [[Dumfries]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=125-126}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|The story that Edward I had asked his son to swear to boil his body, bury the flesh and take bones on campaign in Scotland was a later invention.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=123}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|1988|p=557}}.</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward promptly recalled Piers Gaveston, who was then in exile, and appointed him as the [[Earl of Cornwall]], before arranging his marriage to the wealthy Margaret de Clare.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=126-127}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Despite Edward appointing Piers Gaveston as the Earl of Cornwall in 1307, Edward's chancery declined to recognise him as such until 1309.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=53}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward also arrested his old adversary Bishop Langton, and dismissed him from his post as treasurer.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=129}}</ref> Edward I's body was kept at [[Waltham Abbey]] for several months before being taken for burial to Westminster, where Edward erected a simple [[marble]] tomb for his father.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=131}}</ref> |
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In 1308, Edward's marriage to Isabella of France went ahead.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=132}}</ref> Edward crossed the [[English Channel]] to France in January, leaving Gaveston as his ''custos regni'' in charge of the kingdom in his absence.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=133}}</ref> This arrangement was unusual, and involved unprecedented powers being delegated to Gaveston, backed by a specially engraved [[Great Seal]].<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=34-41}}</ref> Edward probably hoped that the marriage would strengthen his position in Gascony and bring him much needed funds.<ref>{{harvnb|Brown|1988|p=575}}</ref> The final negotiations, however, proved challenging: Edward and Philip IV did not like each other, and the French King drove a hard bargain over the size of Isabella's [[dower]] and the details of the administration of Edward's lands in France.<ref>{{harvnb|Brown|1988|pp=574-575, 578, 584}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=131-134}}</ref> As part of the agreement, Edward gave homage to Philip for the Duchy of Aquitaine and agreed a commission to complete the implementation of the 1303 Treaty of Paris.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=131-134}}</ref> |
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==Prince of Wales== |
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The fourth son and eleventh child of [[Edward I of England|Edward I]] by his first wife [[Eleanor of Castile (1241-1290)|Eleanor of Castile]], Edward II was born at [[Caernarfon Castle]].<ref name=haines3 /> He was the first English prince to hold the title [[Prince of Wales]], which was formalised by the [[List of Parliaments of England|Parliament of Lincoln]] of 7 February 1301. |
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The story that his father presented Edward II as a newborn to the [[Welsh people|Welsh]] as their future native prince did not appear until the 16th century. The Welsh purportedly asked the king to give them a prince who spoke [[Welsh language|Welsh]], and, the story goes, he answered he would give them a prince who spoke no English at all. This was no great concession as the Plantagenets spoke [[Norman French]] rather than English.<ref>{{harvnb|Crofton|2007|p=84}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|This story first appeared in the work of 16th-century Welsh "[[antiquary]]" [[David Powel]].{{Citation needed|date=February 2008}}|group="nb"}} |
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The pair were married in [[Boulogne]] on 25 January.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=52}}</ref> Edward gave Isabella a [[Isabella Psalter|psalter]] as a wedding gift, and her father gave her gifts worth over 21,000 [[French livre|livres]] and a fragment of the [[True Cross]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=135}}; {{harvnb|Brown|1988|p=574}}</ref> The pair returned to England in February, where Edward had ordered [[Westminster Palace]] to be lavishly restored ready for their coronation and wedding feast, complete with marble tables, forty ovens and a wine and pimento fountain.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=135, 139-140}}</ref> After some delays, the ceremony went ahead on 25 February, under the guidance of the [[Robert Winchelsey|Archbishop of Canterbury]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=140}}</ref> As part of the coronation, Edward swore to uphold "the rightful laws and customs which the community of the realm shall have chosen".<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=141}}</ref> It is uncertain what this meant: it might have been intended to force Edward to accept future legislation; it may have been inserted to prevent him from over-turning any future vows he might take; or it may have been an attempt by the King to ingratiate himself with the barons.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=140-143}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=56-58}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|It is unclear who wrote this part of the coronation oath, or what their intentions where. Historical discussions over the coronation oath have included debate over the tense of the Latin phrase ''aura eslau'', which would change the meaning of the oath from referring to future legislation, to a retrospective statement about respecting existing laws and customs. It is also uncertain to what extent any changes in the coronation oath were driven by wider political disagreements between Edward and the barons, or were specifically focused over concerns with Gaveston's position.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=140-143}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=56-58}}</ref>|group="nb"}} The event was marred by the large crowds of eager spectators, who surged into the palace, knocking down a wall and forcing Edward to flee by the back door.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=144}}</ref> |
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Edward became heir apparent at just a few months of age, following the death of his elder brother [[Alphonso, Earl of Chester|Alphonso]]. His father, a notable military leader, trained his heir in [[warfare]] and [[public policy|statecraft]] starting in his childhood, yet the young Edward preferred [[boating]] and [[Handicraft|craftwork]], activities considered beneath kings at the time. |
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Isabella was only 12 years old at the time of her wedding, young by the standards of the period, and Edward probably had sexual relations with mistresses during their first few years together.<ref name=HainesPhillipsP61>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=61}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=102}}</ref> During this time Edward fathered an illegitimate son, [[Adam FitzRoy|Adam]], who was born possibly as early as 1307.<ref name=HainesPhillipsP61/> Edward and Isabella's first son, the future [[Edward III of England|Edward III]], was born in 1312, amid great celebrations and three more children followed: [[John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall|John]] in 1316, [[Eleanor of Woodstock|Eleanor]] in 1318 and [[Joan of The Tower|Joan]] in 1321.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=93}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=102}}</ref> |
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The prince took part in several [[Scotland|Scots]] campaigns, but despite these martial engagements, "all his father's efforts could not prevent his acquiring the habits of extravagance and frivolity which he retained all through his life".<ref name="NNDB">{{cite web|url=http://www.nndb.com/people/710/000093431/|title=King Edward II|publisher=[[NNDB]]|accessdate=23 June 2008| separator = , | postscript =}}</ref> The king attributed his son’s preferences to his strong attachment to [[Piers Gaveston]], a [[Gascony|Gascon]] [[knight]] he had chosen in 1298 to be a suitable friend for his son due to his wit, courtesy and abilities. After Prince Edward attempted to bestow on his friend a title reserved for royalty, Edward I [[exile]]d Gaveston from court. |
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===Tensions over Gaveston=== |
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Edward I knighted his son in a major ceremony in 1306 called the [[Feast of the Swans]] whereby all present swore to continue the war in Scotland. |
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[[File:Philip iv and family.jpg|thumb|[[Isabella of France]], third from left, with her father, [[Philip IV of France]], centre]] |
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Gaveston's return from exile in 1307 was initially accepted by the barons, but opposition quickly grew.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=74}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=31}}</ref> He appeared to have an excessive influence on royal policy, leading to complaints from one chronicler that there were "two kings reigning in one kingdom, the one in name and the other in deed".<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=135-137}}</ref> Accusations, probably untrue, were levelled at Gaveston that he had stolen royal funds and had purloined Isabella's wedding presents.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=136-138}}</ref> Gaveston had played a key role at Edward's coronation, provoking fury from both the English and French contingents about the earl's ceremonial precedence, magnificent clothes and over Edward's apparent preference for Gaveston's company over Isabella's at the feast.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=144-146}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=44}}</ref> |
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[[Parliament of England|Parliament]] met in February 1308 in a febrile atmosphere.<ref name=Phillips2011PP146>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=146-147}}</ref> Edward was keen to discuss the potential for governmental reform, but the barons were unwilling to begin any such debate until the problem of Gaveston had been resolved.<ref name=Phillips2011PP146/> Violence seemed likely, but the situation was resolved through the mediation of the moderate [[Henry de Lacy, 3rd Earl of Lincoln|Henry de Lacy]], the [[Earl of Lincoln]], who convinced the barons to back down.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=146}}</ref> A fresh parliament was held in April, where the barons once again criticised Gaveston, demanding his exile, supported by Isabella and the French monarchy.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=147-149}}</ref> Edward resisted, but finally gave in, agreeing to send Gaveston to Aquitaine, under threat of [[excommunication]] should he return, where he would be given estates to support himself.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=149-150}}</ref> At the last moment, Edward changed his mind and instead sent Gaveston to [[Dublin]], appointing him as the [[Lord Lieutenant of Ireland|Lieutenant of Ireland]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=150-151}}</ref> |
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==King of England== |
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{{double image|right|Seal of Edward II.jpg|235|Seal of Edward II-2.jpg|225|Edward's great seal}} |
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Edward I died on 7 July 1307 en route to another campaign against the Scots, a war that had become the hallmark of his reign.<ref>{{harvnb|Jones|2012|p=297}}</ref> One chronicler relates that Edward had requested his son "boil his body, extract the bones and carry them with the army until the Scots had been subdued." His son ignored the request, however, and had his father buried in [[Westminster Abbey]].<ref>{{harvnb|Hudson|Clark|1978|p=48}}</ref> Edward II immediately recalled Gaveston, created him [[Earl of Cornwall]], gave him the hand of the king's niece, [[Margaret de Clare|Margaret of Gloucester]], and withdrew from the Scottish campaign. |
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Edward called for a fresh military campaign for Scotland, but this idea was quietly abandoned, and instead the King and the barons met in August 1308 to discuss reform.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=151}}</ref> Behind the scenes, Edward started negotiations to convince both [[Pope Clement V]] and Philip IV to allow Gaveston to return to England, offering in exchange to suppress the [[Knights Templar]] in England, and to release Bishop Langton from prison.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=152-153}}</ref> Edward called a fresh meeting of members of the Church and key barons in January 1309, and the leading earls then gathered in March and April, possibly under the leadership of [[Thomas, 2nd Earl of Lancaster|Thomas]], the [[Earl of Lancaster]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=154-155}}</ref> A fresh parliament followed, which refused to allow Gaveston to return to England, but which offered to grant Edward additional taxes if he agreed to a programme of reform.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=156-157}}</ref> |
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Edward was as physically impressive as his father, yet he lacked the drive and ambition of his forebear. It was written that Edward II was "the first king after the Conquest who was not a man of business".<ref name="NNDB"/> His main interest was in entertainment, though he also took pleasure in athletics and mechanical crafts. He had been so dominated by his father that he had little confidence in himself, and was often in the hands of a court favourite with a stronger will than his own. |
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The Pope agreed to annul Gaveston's sentence of excommunication, opening up the possibility of his return.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=157-158}}</ref> Gaveston arrived back in England in June, where he was met by Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=158}}</ref> At the parliament the next month, Edward made a range of concessions to placate those opposed to Gavston, including agreeing to limit the powers of the [[Lord Steward|royal steward]] and the marshal of the royal household, to regulate the Crown's unpopular powers of [[purveyance]] and to abandon recently enacted customs legislation; in return, the parliament agreed to fresh taxes for the war in Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=159}}</ref> Temporarily, Edward and the barons appeared to have come to a successful compromise.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=160}}</ref> |
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On 25 January 1308, Edward married [[Isabella of France]], the daughter of King [[Philip IV of France]], in an attempt to bolster an alliance with France. On 25 February the pair was crowned in Westminster Abbey. The marriage, however, was doomed to failure almost from the beginning. Isabella was frequently neglected by her husband, who spent much of his time conspiring with his favourites regarding how to limit the powers of the [[Peerage]] in order to consolidate his father's legacy for himself. |
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== |
===The Ordinances of 1311=== |
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{{Main|Ordinances of 1311}} |
{{Main|Ordinances of 1311}} |
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In 1308 Edward travelled to [[Boulogne-sur-Mer|Boulogne]] to marry Isabella, leaving Gaveston to act as regent. It was here that the first discontent with the new king's rule found expression, through the so-called [[Boulogne agreement]].<ref>{{harvnb|Fritze|Robison|2002|pages=68–69}}</ref> As the resentment against Edward's rule and Gaveston's position of power grew, some barons began to insist Gaveston be banished, through the [[Ordinances of 1311]]. Edward recalled his friend, but could do little to prevent Gaveston being captured in 1312 under the orders of the [[Thomas, 2nd Earl of Lancaster|Earl of Lancaster]] and his allies, who claimed that he had led the king to folly. He was captured first by the [[Guy de Beauchamp, 10th Earl of Warwick|Earl of Warwick]], whom he was seen to have offended, and handed over to two Welshmen. They took him to Blacklow Hill and murdered him; one ran him through the heart with his sword and the other beheaded him. A monument called Gaveston's Cross remains on the site, south of [[Leek Wootton]] near [[Warwick]]. |
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Following his return, Gaveston's relationship with the major barons became increasingly difficult.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=161}}</ref> He was considered arrogant, and he took to referring to the earls by offensive names, including calling one of their more powerful members the "dog of Warwick".<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=161}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=68}}</ref> The Earl of Lancaster and Gaveston's enemies refused to attend parliament in 1310 because Gaveston would be present.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=162}}</ref> Edward, however, was facing increasing financial problems, owing £22,000 to his [[Frescobaldi]] Italian bankers, and facing protests about how he was using his right of [[prise]]s to acquire supplies for the war in Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=162-163}}</ref> Edward's attempts to raise an army for Scotland collapsed and the earls suspended the collection of the new taxes.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=163}}</ref> |
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Edward's grief over the death of Gaveston was profound. He kept the remains of his body close to him for a number of weeks before the Church forcibly arranged a burial. Immediately following this, Edward focused on the destruction of those who had betrayed him, while the barons themselves lost impetus (with Gaveston dead, they saw little need to continue). By mid-July, [[Aymer de Valence, 2nd Earl of Pembroke]] was advising the king to make war on the barons who, unwilling to risk their lives, entered negotiations in September 1312. In October, the Earls of Lancaster, Warwick, Arundel and Hereford were forced to beg Edward's pardon. |
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The King and parliament met again in February 1310, and the proposed discussions of Scottish policy were replaced by debate of domestic problems.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=163-164}}</ref> Edward was petitioned to abandon Gaveston as his counselor and instead adopt the advice of 21 elected barons, termed [[Ordainers]], who would carry out a widespread reform of both the government and the royal household.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=164-166}}</ref> Under huge pressure, Edward agreed to the proposal and the Ordainers were elected, broadly evenly split between reforms and conservatives.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=166}}</ref> While the Ordainers began their plans for reform, Edward and Gaveston took a new army of around 4,700 men to Scotland, where the military situation had continued to deteriorate.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=167-170}}</ref> Robert the Bruce declined to give battle and the campaign progressed ineffectually over the winter until supplies and money ran out in 1311, forcing Edward to return south.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=169-171}}</ref> |
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==Edward and Piers Gaveston== |
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Several contemporary sources criticised Edward's seeming infatuation with [[Piers Gaveston]], to the extent that he ignored and humiliated his wife. Chroniclers called the relationship ''excessive'', ''immoderate'', ''beyond measure and reason'' and criticised his desire for ''wicked and forbidden sex''.<ref>The chronicle, ''[[Flores Historiarum]]''</ref> The Westminster chronicler claimed that Gaveston had led Edward to reject the sweet embraces of his wife; while the Meaux Chronicle (written several decades later) took concern further and complained that, ''Edward took too much delight in sodomy''. Isabella was only a child, being 12 years old when Edward married her.<ref>{{harvnb|Jones|2012|pp=304-305}}</ref> Thus, she had not reached her full womanhood and, thus, any commentary about Edward rejecting "her sweet embraces" may well be misplaced. It must be noted that Edward eventually had four children by Isabella. While such sources do not, in themselves, prove that Edward and Gaveston were lovers, they at least show that some contemporaries and later writers strongly believed that this might be the case. |
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By now the Ordainers had drawn up their Ordinances for reform and Edward had little political choice but to give way and accept them in October.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=176}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=76}}</ref> The [[Ordinances of 1311]] contained clauses limiting the King's right to go to war or to grant land without parliament's approval; giving parliament control over the royal administration; abolishing the system of prises; cutting out the Frescobaldi bankers; and introducing a system to monitor the adherence to the Ordinances.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=177-178}}</ref> In addition, the Ordinances exiled Gaveston once again, this time with instructions that he should not be allowed to live anywhere within Edward's lands, including Gascony and Ireland, and that he should be stripped of his titles.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=178-179, 182}}</ref> Edward retreated to his estates at [[Windsor Castle|Windsor]] and [[Kings Langley]], and Gaveston left England, possibly for northern France or Flanders.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=180-181}}</ref> |
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Gaveston was considered to be athletic and handsome; he was a few years older than Edward and had seen military service in [[Flanders]] before becoming Edward's close companion. He was known to have a quick, biting wit, and his fortunes continued to ascend. Isabella's marriage to Edward subsequently took place in 1308 and almost immediately, she wrote to her father, [[Philip IV of France|Philip the Fair]], complaining of Edward's behaviour and his relationship with Gaveston. |
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==Mid-reign (1311-21)== |
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Although the relationship that developed between the two young men was certainly very close, its exact nature is impossible to determine. The relationship might have had a sexual element, though the evidence for this is not conclusive. Both Edward and Gaveston married early in the reign. There were children from both marriages – Edward also had an illegitimate son, Adam. While some of the chroniclers' remarks can be interpreted simply as [[homosexuality]] or [[bisexuality]], too many of them are either much later in date or the product of hostility. It has also been plausibly argued that the two men could have entered into a bond of [[Adelphopoiesis|adoptive brotherhood]].<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994}}</ref><ref name="ReferenceA">''Oxford Dictionary of National Biography'', Oxford University, 2004</ref> British historian Ian Mortimer has drawn attention to the use of 'anti-sodomite' [[smear campaigns]] in the late 13th and early 14th centuries against Pope [[Boniface VIII]] and the [[Knights Templar]].<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2010|p=23}}</ref> The relationship between Edward and Gaveston may have been no more than a close brotherly relationship like the relationship of David and Jonathan in the Old Testament of the Bible.<ref>{{harvnb|Jones|2012|p=303}}</ref> |
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===Death of Gaveston=== |
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The relationship was later explored in a [[Edward II (play)|play]] by the 16th-century dramatist [[Christopher Marlowe]]. This is unusual in making explicit reference to an open [[homosexual|sexual]] relationship between king and [[favourite]]. More frequently the nature of the relationship between the two is only hinted at, or is cited as a dreadful example of the fate that might befall kings who allow themselves to be influenced by favourites, and so become estranged from their subjects.<ref name="ReferenceA"/> |
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Tensions between Edward and the barons remained high, and the earls opposed to the King kept their personal armies mobilised late into 1311.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=182}}</ref> By now Edward had become estranged from his cousin, the Earl of Lancaster, who held the earldoms of Lancaster, [[Earl of Leicester|Leicester]], [[Earl of Lincoln|Lincoln]], [[Earl of Salisbury|Salisbury]] and [[Earl of Derby|Derby]], with an income of around £11,000 a year from his lands, almost double that of the next wealthiest baron.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=152, 174-175}}</ref> Backed by the earls of [[Edmund FitzAlan, 9th Earl of Arundel|Arundel]], [[Gilbert de Clare, 8th Earl of Gloucester|Gloucester]], [[Humphrey de Bohun, 4th Earl of Hereford|Hereford]], [[Aymer de Valence, 2nd Earl of Pembroke|Pembroke]] and [[Guy de Beauchamp, 10th Earl of Warwick|Warwick]], he led a powerful faction in England, but he was not personally interested in practical administration, nor was he a particularly imaginative or effective politician.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=182, 276}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=77}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=82-83, 87, 95}}</ref> |
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Edward responded by revoking the Ordinances and recalling Gaveston to England, being reunited with him at York in January 1312.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=182-184}}</ref> The barons were furious and met in London, where Gaveston was excommunicated by the Archbishop of Canterbury and plans were put in place to capture Gaveston, including preventing him from fleeing to Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=184-185}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=82}}</ref> Edward, Isabella and Gaveston left for Newcastle, pursued by Lancaster and his followers.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=186-187}}</ref> Abandoning many of their belongings, the royal party fled by ship and landed at Scarborough, where Gaveston stayed on while Edward and Isabella headed south back to York.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=187}}</ref> After a short siege, Gaveston surrendered to the earls of Pembroke and Surrey, on the promise that he would not be harmed.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=187-188}}</ref> He had with him a huge collection of gold, silver and gems, probably part of the royal treasury, which he was later accused of having stolen from Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|1991|pp=202-204}}</ref> |
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==Defeat in Scotland== |
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[[File:Robert The Bruce Crowned King of Scots.jpg|thumb|230px|Bruce crowned King of Scots; modern tableau at Edinburgh Castle]] |
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[[Robert I of Scotland|Robert the Bruce]] had been steadily reconquering [[Scotland]]. Each campaign begun by Edward, from 1307 to 1314, had ended in Robert clawing back more of the land that Edward I had taken during his long reign. Robert's military successes against Edward II were due to a number of factors, not the least of which was the Scottish king's strategy. He used small forces to trap an invading English army, took castles by stealth to preserve his troops and he used the land as a weapon against Edward by attacking quickly and then disappearing into the hills instead of facing the superior numbers of the English. |
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On the way back from the north, Pembroke stopped in the village of [[Deddington]] in the Midlands, putting Gaveston under guard there while he went to visit his wife.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=189}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=86-87}}</ref> The Earl of Warwick took this opportunity to seize Gaveston, taking him back to [[Warwick Castle]], where Lancaster and the rest of his faction assembled on 18 June.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=189-190}}</ref> A [[show trial]] was carried out, and Gaveston was declared guilty of being a traitor under the terms of the Ordinances; he was executed on [[Blacklow Hill]] the following day, under the authority of the Earl of Lancaster.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=190-191}}; {{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=88}}</ref> Gaveston's body was not buried until 1315, when his funeral was held at Edward's palace in Kings Langley.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=241}}</ref> |
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Bruce united Scotland against its common enemy and is quoted as saying that he feared more the dead king's bones (Edward I) than his living heir (Edward II).<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2003}}</ref> By June 1314, only [[Stirling Castle]] and [[Berwick-upon-Tweed|Berwick]] remained under English control. |
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===Tensions with Lancaster and France=== |
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On 23 June 1314, Edward and an army of 20,000 foot soldiers and 3,000 cavalry faced Robert and his army of foot soldiers and farmers wielding 14-foot-long pikes. Edward knew he had to keep the critical stronghold of Stirling Castle if there were to be any chance for English military success. The castle, however, was under a constant state of siege, and the English commander, Sir Phillip de Mowbray, had advised Edward that he would surrender the castle to the Scots unless Edward arrived by 24 June 1314, to relieve the siege. Edward could not afford to lose his last forward castle in Scotland. He decided therefore to gamble his entire army to break the siege and force the Scots to a final battle by putting its army into the field. |
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[[File:Trojka kralove.jpg|thumb|Edward (left) and Philip IV at the knighting ceremony of [[Notre Dame de Paris|Notre Dame]], 1312]] |
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Reactions to the death of Gaveston varied considerably.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=89}}</ref> Edward was furious and deeply upset over what he saw as the murder of Gaveston; he made provisions for Gaveston's family, and intended to take revenge on the barons involved.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=82}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=192}}</ref> The earls of Pembroke and Surrey were embarrassed and angry about Warwick's actions, and shifted their support to Edward in the aftermath.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=191}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=86}}</ref> To Lancaster and his core of supporters, however, the execution had been both legal and necessary to preserve the stability of the kingdom.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=89}}</ref> Civil war was again appeared likely, but in December, the Earl of Pembroke negotiated a potential peace treaty between the two sides, which would pardon the opposition barons for the killing of Gaveston, in exchange for their support for a fresh campaign in Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=193-196, 199-200}}</ref> Lancaster and Warwick, however, did not give the treaty their immediate approval, and further negotiations continued through most of 1313.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=206-208}}</ref> |
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Meanwhile, the Earl of Pembroke had been negotiating with France to resolve the long-standing disagreements over the administration of Gascony, and as part of this Edward and Isabella agreed to travel to Paris in June 1313 to meet with Philip IV.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=207-920}}</ref> Edward probably hoped both to resolve the problems in the south of France and to win Philip's support in the dispute with the barons, while for Philip it was an opportunity to impress his son-in-law with his power and wealth.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=209-211}}</ref> It proved a spectacular engagement, including a grand ceremony in which the two kings knighted Philip's sons and 200 other men in [[Notre Dame de Paris|Notre Dame]], large banquets along the [[River Seine]] and a public declaration that both kings and their queens would join a crusade to the [[Levant]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=210-211}}</ref> Philip gave lenient terms for settling the problems in Gascony, and the event was only spoiled by a serious fire in Edward's quarters.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=213}}</ref> |
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Edward had, however, made a serious mistake in thinking his vastly superior numbers alone would provide enough of a tactical advantage to defeat the Scots. Robert not only had the advantage of prior warning, as he knew the actual day that Edward would come north and fight, he also had the time to choose the field of battle most advantageous to the Scots and their style of combat. |
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On his return from France, Edward found his political position greatly strengthened.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=214}}</ref> After much negotiation, the earls, including Lancaster and Warwick, came to a compromise in October 1313, fundamentally very similar to the draft agreement of the previous December.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=217}}</ref> Edward's finances improved, thanks to parliament agreeing to the raising of taxes, a loan of 160,000 [[florin]]s (£25,000) from the Pope, £33,000 that he borrowed from Philip and further loans organised by Edward's new Italian banker, Antonio Pessagno.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=218-219}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=16}}</ref> For the first time in his reign, Edward's government was well-funded.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=225-226}}</ref> |
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As Edward moved forward on the main road to Stirling, Robert placed his army on either side of the road north, one in the dense woods and the other placed on a bend on the river, a spot hard for the invading army to see. Robert also ordered his men to dig potholes and cover them with bracken in order to help break any cavalry charge. |
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===Battle of Bannockburn=== |
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By contrast, Edward did not issue his writs of service, calling upon 21,540 men, until 27 May 1314. Worse, his army was ill-disciplined and had seen little success in eight years of campaigns. On the eve of battle, he decided to move his entire army at night and placed it in a marshy area, with its cavalry laid out in nine squadrons in front of the foot soldiers. The following battle, the [[Battle of Bannockburn]], is considered by contemporary scholars to be the worst defeat sustained by the English since the [[Battle of Hastings]] in 1066. |
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[[File:Battle from Holkham Bible.jpg|thumb|upright|Depiction of the [[Battle of Bannockburn]] in 1314 from the Holkham Bible]] |
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{{main|Battle of Bannockburn}} |
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By 1314, Robert the Bruce had recaptured most of the [[Scottish castles|castles in Scotland]] once held by Edward, pushing raiding parties into northern England as far as [[Carlisle]].<ref name=Phillips2011PP223>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=223-224}}</ref> In response, Edward planned a major military campaign with the support of Lancaster and the barons, mustering a large army between 15,000 and 20,000 strong.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=225-227}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=94}}</ref> Meanwhile, Robert had besieged Stirling Castle, a key fortification in Scotland; its English commander had stated that unless Edward arrived by 24 June, he would surrender.<ref name=Phillips2011PP223/> News of this reached the King in late May, and he decided to speed up his march north from [[Berwick]] to relieve the castle.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=223, 227-228}}</ref> Robert, with between 5,500 and 6,500 troops, predominantly [[spearmen]], prepared to prevent Edward's forces from reaching Stirling.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=228-229}}</ref> |
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The battle began on 23 June as the English army attempted to force its way across the high ground of the [[Bannock Burn]], which was surrounded by marshland.<ref name=Phillips2011P230>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=230}}</ref> Skirmishing between the two sides broke out, resulting in the death of Sir [[Henry de Bohun]], whom Robert killed in personal combat.<ref name=Phillips2011P230/> Edward continued his advance the following day, and encountered the bulk of the Scottish army as they emerged out of the woods of New Park.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=231-232}}</ref> Edward appears not have expected the Scots to give battle here, and as a result had kept his forces in marching order, with the [[archer]]s - who would usually have been used to break up enemy spear formations - at the back of his army, rather than the front.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=231-232}}</ref> His cavalry found it hard to operate in the cramped terrain and were crushed by Robert's spearmen.<ref name=Phillips2011P232>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=232}}</ref> The English army was overwhelmed and its leaders were unable to regain control.<ref name=Phillips2011P232/> |
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==Reign of the Despensers== |
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[[File:Westminster Hall edited.jpg|thumb|upright|left|Westminster Hall]] |
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{{Main|Despenser War}} |
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Following Gaveston's death, the king increased favour to his nephew-by-marriage (who was also Gaveston's brother-in-law), [[Hugh Despenser the Younger]]. But, as with Gaveston, the barons were indignant at the privileges Edward lavished upon the Despenser father and son, especially when the younger Despenser began in 1318 to strive to procure for himself the [[Earl of Gloucester|earldom of Gloucester]] and its associated lands. |
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Edward stayed behind to fight, but it became obvious to the Earl of Pembroke that the battle was lost and he dragged the King away from the battlefield, hotly pursued by the Scottish forces.<ref name=Phillips2011P233>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=233}}</ref> Edward only just escaped the heavy fighting, making a vow to found a [[Carmelite]] religious house at [[Oxford]] if he survived.<ref name=Phillips2011P233/> The historian Roy Haines describes the defeat as a "calamity of stunning proportions" for the English, whose losses in the battle were huge.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=234-236}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=259}}</ref> In the aftermath of the defeat, Edward retreated to [[Dunbar]], from where he travelled by ship to Berwick, and then back to [[York]]; in his absence, Stirling Castle quickly fell.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=233, 238}}</ref> |
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By 1320, the situation in England was again becoming dangerously unstable. Edward had been challenged by [[John Deydras]], a royal pretender; although Deydras was ultimately executed, the rumours surrounding the case highlighted Edward's unpopularity.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2003|p=61}}; {{harvnb|Weir|2005|p=117}}</ref> Edward ignored the law in favour of Despenser: when [[William de Braose, 2nd Baron Braose|Lord de Braose of Gower]] sold his title to his son-in-law, an action entirely lawful in the Welsh Marches, Despenser demanded the king grant Gower to him instead. The king, against all laws, then confiscated Gower from the purchaser and offered it to Despenser; in so doing, he provoked the fury of most of the barons. In 1321, the [[Humphrey de Bohun, 4th Earl of Hereford|Earl of Hereford]], along with the [[Thomas, 2nd Earl of Lancaster|Earl of Lancaster]] and others, took up arms against the Despenser family, and the king was forced into an agreement with the barons. |
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===Famine and criticism=== |
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On 14 August at [[Westminster Hall]], accompanied by the Earls of [[Aymer de Valence, 2nd Earl of Pembroke|Pembroke]] and [[John of Brittany, Earl of Richmond|Richmond]], the king declared the [[Hugh le Despenser, 1st Earl of Winchester|Despenser father]] and son both banished. |
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{{main|Great Famine of 1315–17}} |
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After the fiasco of Bannockburn, the earls of Lancaster and Warwick saw their political influence increase, and they pressured Edward to re-implement the Ordinances of 1311.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=239, 243}}</ref> Lancaster became the head of the [[royal council]] in 1316, promising to take forward the Ordinances through a new reform commission, but appears to have abandoned this role soon afterwards, partially because of disagreements with the other barons, and possibly because of ill-health.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=246, 267, 276}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=104}}</ref> Lancaster refused to meet with Edward in parliament for the next two years, bringing effective governance to a standstill, stymieing hopes for a fresh campaign into Scotland and raising fears of civil war.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=280, 282-283, 294}}; {{harvnb|Tebbit|2005|p=205}}</ref> After much negotiation, once again involving the Earl of Pembroke, Edward and Lancaster finally agreed the [[Treaty of Leake]] in August 1318, which pardoned Lancaster and his faction and established a new royal council, temporarily averting conflict.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=308, 330}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=112}}</ref> |
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Despite the respite, tensions between Edward and the barons remained high, and open conflict erupted again in the autumn of 1321 after Isabella was refused admittance to [[Leeds Castle]], which was held by [[Bartholomew de Badlesmere, 1st Baron Badlesmere|Bartholomew de Badlesmere]], who had previously joined the king's opponents. Baron Badlesmere was away from the castle, leaving his wife in charge; when she refused the Queen entry, fighting broke out between the Queen's guards and the castle garrison. In response, Edward laid siege to the castle with the support of other barons outraged by the treatment of the Queen. With this victory, Edward took advantage of his stronger position to revoke the Despensers' banishment. With Mortimer occupied with peasant uprisings in the Welsh Marches, Edward was able to cross into Wales and force Mortier's surrender. |
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Edward's difficulties were exacerbated by prolonged problems in [[Economics of English Agriculture in the Middle Ages#The Great Famine of 1315–1317|English agriculture]], part of a wider phenomenon in northern Europe known as the [[Great Famine of 1315–17|Great Famine]]. The famine began with torrential rains in late 1314, followed by a very cold winter and bad rains the following the spring, killing many sheep and cattle in 1315; the bad weather continued, almost unabated, through into 1321, resulting in a string of bad harvests.<ref>{{harvnb|Jordan|1996|p=171}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=252-253}}</ref> Revenues from the exports of wool plummeted and the price of food rose, despite attempts by Edward II's government to control prices.<ref>{{harvnb|Jordan|1996|p=171}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=253}}</ref> Edward called for hoarders to release food, and tried to encourage both internal trade and the importation of grain, but with little success.<ref>{{harvnb|Jordan|1996|pp=172-174}}</ref> |
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With all opposition crushed, the king and the Despensers were left the unquestioned masters of England. At the [[List of Parliaments of England|York Parliament]] of 1322, Edward issued a statute which revoked all previous ordinances designed to limit his power and to prevent any further encroachment upon it. The king would no longer be subject to the will of [[British Parliament|Parliament]], and the Lords, Prelates, and Commons were to suffer his will in silence. Opposition to Edward and the Despensers rule continued; in 1324 there was a foiled assassination attempt on their lives, and in early 1325 [[John of Nottingham]] was placed on trial for involvement in a plot to kill them with [[magic (paranormal)|magic]].<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2003|pp=80-81}}</ref> |
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Meanwhile, Robert the Bruce exploited his victory at Bannockburn to raid northern England, initially attacking Carlisle and Berwick, and then reaching further south into [[Yorkshire]] and [[Lancashire]], threatening York itself.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=248, 281, 329, 343-348}}</ref> Edward undertook an expensive but unsuccessful campaign to stem the advance in 1319, and the famine made it increasingly difficult to keep his garrisons supplied with food.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=343-348}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=97}}</ref> Meanwhile, a Scottish expedition led by Robert's brother, [[Edward Bruce|Edward]], was sent to invade Ireland in 1315, where he declared himself the [[King of Ireland]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=248, 253-54}}</ref> He was finally defeated in 1318 by Edward II's Irish justiciar, Edmund Butler, at the [[Battle of Faughart]], and his decapitated head was sent back to Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=256-258}}</ref> Revolts also broke out [[Banastre Rebellion|in Lancashire]] and [[Bristol]] in 1315, and in [[Glamorgan]] in Wales in 1316, but were suppressed.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=247-248}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=98-99}}</ref> |
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==Isabella leaves England== |
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A dispute between France and England then broke out over Edward's refusal to pay homage to the French king for the territory of [[Gascony]]. After several bungled attempts to regain the territory, Edward sent his wife, Isabella, to negotiate peace terms. Overjoyed, Isabella arrived in France in March 1325. She was now able to visit her family and native land as well as escape the Despensers and the king, all of whom she now detested. |
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Complaints about Edward began to grow, many focusing on Edward's "improper" interest in rural pursuits.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=277}}</ref> In 1318, a mentally-ill man named [[John of Powderham]] appeared in Oxford, claiming that he was the real Edward II, and that Edward was a [[changeling]], swapped at birth.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=43-44}}</ref> John was duly executed, but his claims resonated with those criticizing Edward for his lack of regal behaviour and steady leadership.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=43-44}}; {{harvnb|Childs|1991|pp=160-162}}</ref> Opposition also grew around Edward's treatment of his royal favourites.<ref>{{harvnb|Tebbit|2005|p=201}}</ref> He had managed to retain some of his previous advisors, despite attempts by the Ordainers to remove them, and divided the extensive [[Gilbert de Clare, 8th Earl of Gloucester#Dispersal of estates and aftermath|de Clare inheritance]] among two of his new favourites, the former household knights Hugh Audley and [[Roger d'Amory|Roger Damory]], instantly making them extremely rich.<ref>{{harvnb|Tebbit|2005|p=205}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=104-105}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|The de Clare inheritance had belonged to Gilbert de Clare, the late Earl of Gloucester, who died fighting at Bannockburn. The estates were divided up among his three sisters, one of whom was already married to Hugh Despenser the Younger.<ref>{{harvnb|Tebbit|2005|p=205}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=259}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Many of the moderates who had helped deliver the peaceful compromise in 1318 now began to turn against Edward, making violence ever more likely.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=336}}</ref> |
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On 31 May 1325, Isabella agreed to a peace treaty favouring France and requiring Edward to pay homage in France to her brother, [[Charles IV of France|King Charles]], but Edward decided instead to send his son to pay homage. This proved a gross tactical error, and helped to bring about the ruin of both Edward and the Despensers, as Isabella, now that she had her son with her, declared that she would not return to England until Despenser was removed. |
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==Later reign (1321-26)== |
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==Invasion by Isabella and Mortimer== |
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===The Despenser War=== |
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When Isabella's retinue—loyal to Edward, and ordered back to England by Isabella—returned to the English Court on 23 December, they brought further shocking news for the king: Isabella had formed a liaison with [[Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March|Roger Mortimer]] in Paris and they were now plotting an invasion of England. |
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[[File:Battle-of-Boroughbridge-en.jpg|thumb|The [[Battle of Boroughbridge]], 1322]] |
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{{main|The Despenser War}} |
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[[The Despenser War|Civil war finally broke out]] in England in 1321.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=372-378}}</ref> The trigger for the conflict was the tension between many of the barons and the Despenser family, which had been growing for several years.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=121-123}}</ref> [[Hugh Despenser the Elder]] had served both Edward and his father, while Hugh Despenser the Younger, had married into the wealthy de Clare family, become the King's [[chamberlain]], and acquired Glamorgan in the [[Welsh Marches]] in 1317.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=364-365}}</ref> Hugh the Younger had then begun to expand his holdings and power across Wales, mainly at the expense of the other [[Marcher Lord]]s.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=365-366}}</ref> The Earl of Lancaster and the Despensers were fierce enemies, and Lancaster's antipathy was shared by most the Despensers' neighbours, including the Earl of Hereford, the [[Mortimer#Medieval magnates|Mortimer family]] and the recently elevated Hugh Audley and Roger Damory.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=364, 366-367}}</ref> Edward, however, increasingly relied upon the Despensers for advice and support, and he was particularly close to Hugh the Younger, whom one chronicler noted he "loved...dearly with all his heart and mind".<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=367-368}}</ref> |
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[[File:Philip iv and family.jpg|thumb|left|Isabella, third from left, with her father, Philip IV, her future French king brothers, and King Philip's brother Charles of Valois]] |
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In early 1321, Lancaster mobilised a coalition of the Despensers' enemies across the Marcher territories.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=374-375}}</ref> Edward and Hugh the Younger became aware of these plans in March and marched west, hoping that negotiations led by the moderate Earl of Pembroke would defuse the crisis.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=375-377}}</ref> This time, however, Pembroke made his excuses and declined to intervene, and war broke out in May.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=376-377}}</ref> The Despensers' lands were quickly seized by a coalition of the Marcher Lords and the local gentry, and Lancaster held a high-level gathering of the barons and clergy in June which condemned the Despensers for having broken the Ordinances.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=377-379}}; {{harvnb|Jordan|1996|p=84}}</ref> Edward attempted reconciliation, but in July the opposition occupied London and called for the permanent removal of the Despensers.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=383-387}}</ref> Fearing that he might be deposed if he refused, Edward agreed to exile the Despensers and pardoned the Marcher Lords for their actions.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=390}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=128-129}}</ref> |
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Edward prepared for the invasion but was betrayed by those close to him: his son refused to leave his mother, claiming he wanted to remain with her during her unease and unhappiness. Edward's half-brother, the [[Edmund of Woodstock, 1st Earl of Kent|Earl of Kent]], married Mortimer's cousin, [[Margaret Wake, 3rd Baroness Wake of Liddell|Margaret Wake]]; other nobles, such as John de Cromwell and the Earl of Richmond, also chose to remain with Mortimer. |
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Edward began to plan his revenge.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=394}}</ref> With the help of Pembroke, the King formed a small coalition of his half-brothers, a few of the earls and some of the senior clergy, and prepared for war.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=395-397}}</ref> Edward first decided to attack [[Bartholomew de Badlesmere, 1st Baron Badlesmere|Bartholomew of Badlesmere]], and Isabella was sent to [[Leeds Castle]] to deliberately create a ''[[casus belli]]''.<ref name=Phillips2011P397>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=397}}</ref> Bartholomew's wife, [[Margaret de Clare, Baroness Badlesmere|Margaret]] took the bait and her men killed several of Isabella's retinue, giving Edward an excuse to intervene.<ref name=Phillips2011P397/> Lancaster refused to help Bartholomew, who was his personal enemy, and Edward was therefore quickly able to retake control of south-east England.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=397-398}}</ref> Alarmed, Lancaster now mobilised his own army in the north of England, and Edward mustered his own forces in the south-west.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=399-400}}</ref> The Despensers arrived back from exile and were pardoned by the royal council.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=400-401}}</ref> |
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In September 1326, Mortimer and Isabella invaded England. Edward was amazed by their small numbers of soldiers, and immediately attempted to levy an immense army to crush them. However, a large number of men refused to fight Mortimer and the queen; [[Henry, 3rd Earl of Lancaster|Henry of Lancaster]], for example, was not even summoned by the king, and he showed his loyalties by raising an army, seizing a cache of Despenser treasure from [[Leicester Abbey]], and marching south to join Mortimer. |
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In December, Edward led his army across the [[River Severn]] and advanced into the Welsh Marches, where the opposition forces had gathered.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=403-404}}</ref> The coalition of Marcher Lords began to crumble and the Mortimers surrendered to the King.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=404}}</ref> Damory, Audley and the Earl of Hereford marched north in January to join Lancaster, who had begun to besiege the King's castle at [[Tickhill Castle|Tickhill]].<ref name=Phillips2011PP406407>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=406-407}}</ref> Bolstered by fresh reinforcements, Edward pursued them and met Lancaster's army on 10 March at [[Burton-on-Trent]], but Lancaster, out-numbered, retreated without a fight.<ref name=Phillips2011PP406407/> Fleeing further north, Lancaster was cornered by an army under the command of [[Andrew Harclay, 1st Earl of Carlisle|Andrew Harclay]] at [[Battle of Boroughbridge|Boroughbridge]], and captured.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=408}}</ref> Edward and Hugh the Younger met Lancaster at [[Pontefract Castle|Pontefract]], where, after a [[summary trial]], the earl was found guilty of treason and beheaded.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=408-409}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=141}}</ref> |
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The invasion soon had too much force and support to be stemmed. As a result, the army the king had ordered failed to emerge and both Edward and the Despensers were left isolated. They abandoned London on 2 October, leaving the city to fall into disorder. |
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===Edward and the Despensers=== |
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On 15 October a London mob seized and beheaded without trial John le Marshal (a Londoner accused of being a spy for the Despensers) and Edward II's Treasurer, [[Walter de Stapledon]], [[Bishop of Exeter]], together with two of the bishop's squires.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2003|pp=155-156}}</ref> The king first took refuge in Gloucester (where he arrived on 9 October) and then fled to [[South Wales]] in order to make a defence in Despenser's lands.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2003|p=154}}</ref> However, Edward was unable to rally an army, and on 31 October, he was abandoned by his servants, leaving him with only the younger Despenser and a few retainers. |
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[[File:Philippe4 eduard2 ludvikNavarra.jpg|thumb|Edward (third from the left) hunting with Philip IV]] |
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Edward punished Lancaster's supporters through a system of special courts across the country, with the judges instructed in advance how to sentence the accused, who were not allowed to speak in their own defence.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=410-411}}</ref> Many of these so-called "Contrariants" were simply executed, others were imprisoned or fined, with their lands seized and their surviving relatives detained.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=411-413}};; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=144}}</ref> The Earl of Pembroke, whom Edward now mistrusted, was arrested and only released after pledging all of his possessions as [[Collateral (finance)|collateral]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=425}}</ref> Edward was able to reward his loyal supporters with the confiscated estates, especially the Despenser family who were given new titles and extensive grants of land.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=417}}</ref> The fines and confiscations made Edward rich: almost £15,000 was brought in the first few months, and by 1326, Edward's treasury contained £62,000.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=419}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=151}}</ref> A parliament was held at York in March 1322, at which the Ordinances were formally revoked through the [[Statute of York]], and fresh taxes agreed for a new campaign against the Scots.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=423-425}}</ref> |
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The English campaign against Scotland was planned on a massive scale, with a force of around 23,350 men.<ref name=Phillips2011PP426>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=426-427}}</ref> Edward advanced through [[Lothian]] towards [[Edinburgh]], but Robert the Bruce declined to meet him in battle, the plans to resupply the campaign by sea failed, and the large army rapidly ran out of food.<ref name=Phillips2011PP426/> Edward was forced to retreat south of the border, pursued by Scottish raiding parties.<ref name=Phillips2011PP426/> Edward's illegitimate son, Adam, died during the campaign, and the raiding parties almost captured Isabella, who was staying at [[Tynemouth]] and was forced to flee by sea.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=428-431}}</ref> The King planned a fresh campaign, backed by a round of further taxes, but confidence in Edward's Scottish policy was diminishing.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=433}}</ref> Andrew Harclay, recently made the [[Earl of Carlisle]], independently negotiated a peace treaty with Robert the Bruce, proposing that Edward would recognise Robert as the King of Scotland and that, in return, Robert would cease to interfere in England.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=423-433}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=148}}</ref> Edward was furious and immediately executed Harclay, but went on to agree a thirteen year truce with Robert.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=434-435}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=273}}</ref> |
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On 27 October, the elder Despenser was accused of encouraging the illegal government of his son, enriching himself at the expense of others, despoiling the Church, and taking part in the illegal execution of the Earl of Lancaster. He was [[hanging|hanged]] and beheaded at the Bristol Gallows. Henry of Lancaster was then sent to Wales in order to fetch the king and the younger Despenser; on 16 November he with Welsh rebels caught Edward, Despenser and their soldiers in the open country near [[Tonyrefail]], where a plaque now commemorates the event. Edward Longshanks' conquest of Wales with his Welsh allies had been short-lived, the armed Welsh were in permanent rebellion and Wales was in turmoil throughout the 14th century. He and the soldiers were released and Despenser was sent to Isabella at Hereford whilst the king was taken by Lancaster himself to [[Kenilworth]]. |
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Hugh Despenser the Younger lived and ruled in a grand style, playing a leading role in Edward's government, and executing policy through a wide network of family retainers.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=440-442, 445}}</ref> Supported by [[Robert Baldock]] and [[Walter Stapledon]], Edward's chancellor and lord treasurer, the Despensers accumulated land and wealth, using their position in government to provide superficial cover for what historian Seymour Phillips describes as "the reality of fraud, threats of violence and abuse of legal procedure".<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=445-446}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=157}}</ref> Meanwhile, Edward faced growing opposition. [[Miracle]]s were reported around the late Earl of Lancaster's tomb, and at the [[gallows]] used to execute members of the opposition in Bristol.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=436}}</ref> Law and order began to break down, encouraged by the chaos caused by the seizure of lands.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=419-420}}</ref> An attempt was made to free the prisoners Edward was holding in [[Wallingford Castle]], and [[Roger Mortimer, 1st Earl of March|Roger Mortimer]], one of the most prominent of the imprisoned Marcher Lords, escaped from the [[Tower of London]] and fled to France.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=438, 440-441}}</ref> |
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==End of the Despensers== |
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[[File:BNMsFr2643FroissartFol97vExecHughDespenser.jpg|thumb|Execution of [[Hugh Despenser the Younger]]]] |
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Reprisals against Edward's allies began immediately thereafter. The [[Earl of Arundel]], Sir [[Edmund FitzAlan, 9th Earl of Arundel|Edmund Fitz Alan]], an old enemy of Roger Mortimer, was beheaded on 17 November, together with two of the earl's retainers, John Daniel and Thomas de Micheldever. This was followed by the trial and execution of Despenser on 24 November.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2003|pp=160-162}}; The Magna Charta Sureties, 1215; Adams and Weis; pg 111</ref> |
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===War with France=== |
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Hugh Despenser the Younger was brutally executed and a huge crowd gathered in anticipation at seeing him die – a spectacle for public entertainment. They dragged him from his horse, stripped him, and scrawled Biblical verses against corruption and arrogance on his skin. They then dragged him into the city, presenting him (in the market square) to Queen Isabella, Roger Mortimer, and Henry of Lancaster. He was then condemned to hang as a thief, be [[castration|castrated]], and then to be [[drawing and quartering|drawn and quartered]] as a traitor, his quarters to be dispersed throughout England. Despenser's vassal Simon of Reading was also hanged next to him, on charges of insulting Queen Isabella.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2003|pp=159-162}}.</ref> |
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{{main|War of Saint-Sardos}} |
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Edward's problems over the Duchy of Gascony and its troubled relationship to the Kingdom of France, flared into [[War of Saint-Sardos|open war]] in 1324.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=455-456}}</ref> Charles IV had become King of France in 1322, and was more aggressive than his predecessors.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=456}}</ref> In 1323 he insisted that Edward must come to Paris to give homage for Gascony, and became firmer about French officials in the Duchy executing their authority fully.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=456-457}}</ref> Matters came to a head in October when a group of soldiers hanged a French sergeant for attempting to build a new [[bastide|fortified town]] in the [[Agenais]], a sensitive part of the Gascon border.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=461-462}}</ref> Edward denied any responsibility for this incident, but relations between Edward and Charles began to sour.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=274-275}}</ref> In 1324 Edward dispatched the Earl of Pembroke to Paris to broker a solution, but he died suddenly of an illness along the way; Charles mobilised his army and ordered the invasion of Gascony.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=461, 464-465}}</ref> |
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Edward's forces in Gascony were around 4,400 strong, but the French army, commanded by [[Charles of Valois]], numbered 7,000.<ref name=Phillips2011P464>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=464}}</ref> Valois took the Agenais and then advanced further and cut off the main city of [[Bordeaux]].<ref name=Phillips2011P464/> In response, Edward ordered the arrest of any French in England, and seized Isabella's lands, on the basis that she was of French origin.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=466}}</ref> In November he met with the earls and the English Church, who recommended that Edward should lead a force of 11,000 men to Gascony.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=467}}</ref> In the event, Edward decided not to go personally, sending the [[John de Warenne, 7th Earl of Surrey|John de Warenne]], the [[Earl of Surrey]], instead.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=468}}</ref> Meanwhile Edward opened up fresh negotiations with the French.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=469}}</ref> Charles IV put forward various proposals, the most tempting of which was the suggestion that if Isabella and Prince Edward were to travel to Paris, and the Prince was to give homage to the French King for Gascony, he would terminate the war and return the Agenais.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=470}}</ref> Edward and his advisers had concerns about sending the prince to France, but agreed to send Isabella on her own as an envoy in March 1325.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=470-471}}</ref> |
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Edward II's Chancellor, [[Robert Baldock]], was placed under house arrest in London, but a London mob broke into the house, severely beat him, and threw him into [[Newgate Prison]], where he was murdered by some of the inmates.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2003|p=162}}</ref> |
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==Fall from power (1326-27)== |
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==Political opposition and abdication== |
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===Rift with Isabella=== |
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With the king imprisoned, Mortimer and the queen faced the problem of what to do with him. The simplest solution would be execution: his titles would then pass to his son Edward of Windsor, whom Isabella could control, while it would also prevent the possibility of his being restored. |
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[[File:Isabela Karel Eda.jpg|thumb|upright|The future [[Edward III of England|Edward III]] giving homage in 1325 to Charles IV under the guidance of Isabella of France]] |
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Up until 1322, Edward and Isabella's marriage appears to have been broadly successful, but by the time that the Queen left for France in 1325 it had deteriorated considerably.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=78-79}}</ref> Isabella appears to have disliked Hugh Despenser the Younger intensely, not least because of his abuse of high-status women.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=74-75}}</ref> Isabella had been embarrassed to have had to flee from Scottish armies three times during her marriage to Edward, and she blamed Hugh for the final occurrence in 1322.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=75-77}}</ref> When Edward had negotiated the recent truce with Robert the Bruce, he had severely disadvantaged a range of noble families who owned land in Scotland, including the Beaumonts, close friends of Isabella's.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=437-438}}</ref> She was also angry about the arrest of her household and seizure of her lands in 1324, and that Edward confiscated her children and given the custody of them to Hugh's wife.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=79-80}}</ref> |
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Isabella and Edward's envoys carried out negotiations with the French in late March.<ref name=Phillips2011P472>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=472}}</ref> The negotiations proved difficult, and the peace settlement was agreed only after Isabella personally intervened with her brother, Charles IV.<ref name=Phillips2011P472/> The terms favoured the French crown: in particular Edward would have to give homage in person to Charles for Gascony.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=472-473}}</ref> Concerned about the consequences of war breaking out once again, Edward agreed to the treaty but decided to give Gascony to his son, Edward, and, rather than risking travelling himself, send the prince to give homage in Paris instead.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=473-476}}</ref> Prince Edward crossed the English Channel and completed the bargain in September.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=479}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Edward's lawyers put forward various arguments in the dispute with the French kings. One line of argument stemmed from the 1259 treaty agreed by Edward's grand-father, Henry III, under which Henry had agreed to give homage for Gascony; Edward's laywers observed that this treaty, which underpinned Edward's 1303 treaty with France, had been a bilateral agreement between the two kings, rather than a conventional feudal agreement. As such, Edward's offering homage for Gascony was dependent on the French crown delivering on its own commitments, rather than an absolute duty. Edward's lawyers also argued that Isabella had a potential claim to the lands in the south under customary French law. When granting Gascony to Isabella, Phillip IV appeared to have been divided up his lands, as was customary at the time, rather than giving a conditional grant, which meant that Gascony was an [[allod]], Edward's personal property, and as such not subject to the French King's laws on the carrying of weapons or money.<ref>{{harvnb|Hallam|Everard|2001|p=322, 387}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=19-20, 305-306}}</ref>|group="nb"}} |
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Execution would require the king to be tried and convicted of treason: and while most lords agreed that Edward had failed to show due attention to his country, several prelates argued that, appointed by God, the king could not be legally deposed or executed; if this happened, they said, God would punish the country. Thus, at first, it was decided to have Edward imprisoned for life instead. |
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Edward now expected Isabella and their son to return to England, but instead she remained in France and showed no intention of making her way back.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=485-486}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=169}}</ref> By February 1326, it was clear that Isabella was involved in a relationship, probably sexual, with the exiled Marcher Lord, Roger Mortimer.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=488-489}}</ref> It is unclear when Isabella first met Mortimer or when their relationship began, but they both wanted to see Edward and the Despensers removed from power.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=489-491}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=169}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|It is uncertain when Isabella first met Mortimer, or when they formed a relationship. Historian Roy Haines stresses the lack of evidence for any earlier relationship, while Paul Doherty argues that there is no evidence for them having been closely involved before December 1325, although he suspects that they may have been friends by 1323. While agreeing that there is no documentary evidence available, Ian Mortimer takes a more radical perspective, arguing that Isabella and Mortimer met much earlier, and that Isabella helped Mortimer escape from the Tower of London in 1323.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2004|p=284}}; {{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=86-88}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=169}}</ref>|group="nb"}} The King appealed for his son to return, and for Charles IV to intervene on his behalf, but this had no effect.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=495}}</ref> |
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However, the fact remained that the legality of power still lay with the king. Isabella had been given the [[Great Seal of the Realm|Great Seal]], and was using it to rule in the names of the king, herself, and their son as appropriate; nonetheless, these actions were illegal, and could at any moment be challenged. |
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Opponents of Edward began to gather around Isabella and Mortimer in Paris, and Edward became increasingly anxious about the possibility that Mortimer might invade England.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=491-492}}</ref> Isabella and Mortimer turned to [[William I, Count of Hainaut|William]], the [[Count of Hainaut]], and proposed a marriage between Prince Edward and William's daughter, [[Philippa of Hainault|Philippa]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=493-494}}</ref> In return for the advantageous alliance with the English heir to the throne, and a sizeable dower for the bride, William offered up 132 [[Ship transport|transport vessel]]s and 8 [[warships]] to assist in the invasion of England.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=493-494; 500-501}}</ref> Prince Edward and Philippa were betrothed on 27 August, and Isabella and Mortimer prepared for their campaign.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=500-501}}</ref> |
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In these circumstances, Parliament chose to act as an authority above the king. Representatives of the [[House of Commons of England|House of Commons]] were summoned, and debates began. The [[Archbishop of York]], [[William Melton]] and others declared themselves fearful of the London mob, loyal to Roger Mortimer. Others wanted the king to speak in Parliament and openly [[abdication|abdicate]], rather than be deposed by the queen and her general. Mortimer responded by commanding the [[List of Lord Mayors of London|Lord Mayor of London]], Richard de Betoyne, to write to Parliament, asking them to go to the Guildhall to swear an oath to protect the queen and Prince Edward, and to depose the king. Mortimer then called the great lords to a secret meeting that night, at which they gave their unanimous support to the deposition of the king. |
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===Invasion=== |
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Eventually Parliament agreed to remove the king. However, for all that Parliament had agreed that the king should no longer rule, they had not deposed him. Rather, their decision made, Edward was asked to accept it. |
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[[File:Replica of Oxwich Brooch.jpg|thumb|upright|Replica of the [[Oxwich Brooch]], probably owned by Edward and looted during the events of 1326<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=519}}</ref> ]] |
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[[File:Kenilworth Castle keep from south.jpg|thumb|left|Kenilworth Castle's [[keep]] from the south]] |
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During August and September 1326 Edward mobilised his defences along the coasts of England to protect against the possibility of an invasion ether by France, or by Roger Mortimer.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=501-502}}</ref> Fleets were gathered at the ports of [[Portsmouth]] in the south, and [[River Orwell|Orwell]] on the east coast, and a raiding force of 1,600 men was sent across the English Channel into [[Normandy]] as a diversionary attack.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=502}}</ref> Edward issued a nationalistic appeal for his subjects to defend the kingdom, but with little impact.<ref>{{harvnb|Ruddick|2013|p=205}}</ref> The regime's hold on power at the local level was fragile, the Despensers were widely disliked and many of those Edward entrusted with the defence of the kingdom proved incompetent, or promptly turned against the regime.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=160-164, 174-175}}</ref> Some 2,000 men were ordered to gathered at Orwell to repel any invasion, but only 55 appear to have actually arrived.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=501, 504}}</ref> |
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Roger Mortimer and Isabella, accompanied by Edward's half-brother Edmund of Woodstock, landed in Orwell on 24 September with a small force of men and met with no resistance.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=504}}</ref> Instead enemies of the Despensers moved rapidly to join them, including Edward's other half-brother, Thomas of Brotherton, [[Henry, 3rd Earl of Lancaster|Henry of Lancaster]] and a range of senior clergy.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=503-504}}</ref> Edward was staying in the Tower of London, a secure fortress, but, despite his attempts to garner support from within the capital, the city of London began to rise up against his government, and on 2 October the King left London, taking the Despensers with him.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=505}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=178-179}}</ref> London descended into anarchy, as mobs attacked Edward's remaining officials and associates, killing Walter Stapeldon in [[St Paul's Cathedral]], and taking the Tower of London and releasing the prisoners inside.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=506-507}}</ref> |
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On 20 January 1327, Edward II was informed at [[Kenilworth Castle]] of the charges brought against him: the king was guilty of incompetence; allowing others to govern him to the detriment of the people and Church; not listening to good advice and pursuing occupations unbecoming to a monarch; having lost Scotland and lands in Gascony and Ireland through failure of effective governance; damaging the [[Catholicism|Church]], and imprisoning its representatives; allowing nobles to be killed, disinherited, imprisoned and exiled; failing to ensure fair justice, instead governing for profit and allowing others to do likewise; and of fleeing in the company of a notorious enemy of the realm, leaving it without government, and thereby losing the faith and trust of his people. |
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Edward continued west up the [[Thames Valley]], reaching Gloucester between 9 and 12 October, hoping to reach Wales and from there mobilise an army against the invaders.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=508}}</ref> Mortimer and Isabella were not far behind, however, gathering support and issuing proclamations condemning the Despensers' recent regime.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=508-509}}</ref> Edward and the younger Despenser crossed over the border and set sail from [[Chepstow]], probably ultimately aiming first for [[Lundy]] and then for Ireland, where the King hoped to receive refuge and raise a fresh army.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=510-511}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=181}}</ref> Bad weather drove them back, and they landed at [[Cardiff]], from where Edward retreated to [[Caerphilly Castle]] and attempted to rally his remaining forces.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=512}}</ref> |
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Edward, profoundly shocked by this judgment, wept while listening. He was then offered a choice: he might abdicate in favour of his son; or he might resist, and relinquish the throne to one not of royal blood, but experienced in government—this, presumably, being Roger Mortimer. The king, lamenting that his people had so hated his rule, agreed that if the people would accept his son, he would abdicate in his favour. The lords, through the person of Sir William Trussell, then renounced their homage to him, and the reign of Edward II ended. |
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Edward's authority collapsed in England where, in the King's absence, Isabella's faction took over the administration with the support of the Church.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=512-513}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=187}}</ref> Her forces surrounded Bristol, where Hugh Despenser the Elder had taken shelter; he surrendered and was promptly executed.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=181}}</ref> Edward and Despenser fled their castle around the 2 November, leaving behind jewellery, considerable supplies and at least £13,000 in cash, possibly once again hoping to reach Ireland, but on 16 November they were betrayed and captured by a search party north of Caerphilly.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=514-515}}</ref> Edward was escorted first to [[Monmouth Castle]], and from there back into England, where he was held at Henry of Lancaster's fortress at [[Kenilworth Castle|Kenilworth]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=515, 518}}</ref> The King's final remaining forces, by now besieged in Caerphilly Castle, surrendered in the April of the following year.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=186}}</ref> |
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The abdication was announced and recorded in London on 24 January 1327, and the following day was proclaimed the first of the reign of Edward III—who, at 14, was still controlled by Isabella and Mortimer. Edward II remained imprisoned. |
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===Abdication=== |
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A poem, the "[[Lament of Edward II]]", traditionally credited to Edward, might have been written during his imprisonment.<ref name=Poemdetails>{{harvnb|Galbraith|1935|p=221 note 6}}; {{harvnb|McKisack|1959|p=2}}; {{harvnb|Smallwood|1973|p=528f}}; {{harvnb|Valente|2002|p=422}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|For a sceptical comment, see V.H. Galbraith; May McKisack reserves judgement<!--English subject, British spelling-->: "if he was indeed the author of the Anglo-Norman lament ascribed to him, he knew something of versification;" M. Smallwood feels that "the authorship question has not been settled"; Claire Valente writes "I think it unlikely that Edward II wrote the poem".<ref name=Poemdetails/>|group="nb"}} |
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[[File:Eduard2 arest.jpg|thumb|upright|An 15th-century depiction of Isabella capturing Edward]] |
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Isabella and Mortimer rapidly took revenge on the former regime. Hugh Despenser the Younger was put on trial, declared a traitor and sentenced to be [[hanged, drawn and quartered|drawn, disembowelled, castrated and quartered]]; he was duly executed on 24 November.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=516-518}}</ref> Edward's former chancellor, Robert Baldock, died in [[Fleet Prison]]; the Earl of Arundel was beheaded.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=516}}</ref> Edward's own position, however, was problematic; he was still married to Isabella and in principle he remained the king, but most of the new administration had a lot to lose were he to be released and potentially regain power.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=520-522}}</ref> |
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There was no established procedure, however, for removing an English king.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=523-524}}</ref> Adam Orleton, the [[Bishop of Hereford]], made a series of public allegations about Edward's conduct as king, and in January 1327 a parliament was called at Westminster, at which the question of Edward's future was raised; Edward refused to attend the gathering.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=524-525}}</ref> The parliament was initially ambivalent, but the London crowds weighed in, calling for Prince Edward to take the throne, and on 12 January the leading barons and clergy drew up an agreement that Edward II should be removed and replaced by his son.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=526}}</ref> The following day it was presented to an assembly of the barons, where it was argued that Edward's weak leadership and personal faults had led the kingdom into disaster, and that he was incompetent to lead the country.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=529-530}}</ref> |
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==Death== |
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[[Image:Edward II's cell - geograph.org.uk - 585477.jpg|thumb|Covered walkway leading to Edward II's supposed cell within Berkeley Castle]] |
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Shortly after this, a representative delegation of barons, clergy and knights was sent to Kenilworth to speak to the King.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=533}}</ref> On 20 January, Henry of Lancaster and the [[John de Stratford|bishops of Winchester]] and [[Henry Burghersh|Lincoln]] met privately with Edward in the castle.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=534}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=191}}</ref> They informed Edward that if he were to resign as monarch, his son Prince Edward would succeed him, but if he failed to do so, his son might be disinherited as well, and the crown given to an alternative candidate.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=534}}</ref> In tears, Edward agreed to abdicate, and on 21 January Sir William Trussel, representing the kingdom as a whole, withdrew his homage and formally ended Edward's reign.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=535}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=191-192}}</ref> A proclamation was sent to London, announcing that Edward, now known just as Edward of Caernarvon, had freely resigned his kingdom and that Prince Edward would succeed him - the coronation took place at Westminster Abbey on 2 February.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=536, 539, 541}}</ref> |
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The government of Isabella and Mortimer was so precarious that they dared not leave the deposed king in the hands of their political enemies. On 3 April, Edward II was removed from Kenilworth and entrusted to the custody of two subordinates of Mortimer, then later imprisoned at [[Berkeley Castle]] in Gloucestershire. |
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==Death (1327)== |
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On 23 September 1327 Edward III was informed that his father had died on 21 September 1327.<ref name=Phillips548>{{harvnb|Phillips|2010|pp=548-549}}</ref> Most sources agree that Edward died on that date at Berkeley Castle. One chronicle, however, states that Edward died at [[Corfe Castle]].<ref name="Bankes1853">{{harvnb|Bankes|1853|p=285}}</ref> The causes given for his death vary. A number of chroniclers give no cause of death at all. Some state that he was suffocated, or strangled, and a few state that he was both suffocated and killed by the insertion of a red hot poker<ref name=Phillips560/> or other long metal object<ref name=Prestwich99/> into his anus. This last explanation is the one usually associated with Edward, but it may be a later addition designed to lower Edward's reputation.<ref name=Phillips560/> Thomas de la Moore wrote an account of Edward's murder in 1352 that is uncorroborated by other contemporary sources.<ref>{{cite DNB|wstitle=More, Thomas de la (DNB00)|url=http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/More,_Thomas_de_la_%28DNB00%29|last=Tait|first=James |authorlink=James Tait (historian)|volume=38}}; {{cite web|url=http://medievalsourcesbibliography.org/sources.php?id=-1084988018|publisher=[http://medievalsourcesbibliography.org www.medievalsourcesbibliography.org]|title=Stubbs, William, ed.,(1882-83) ''Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I and Edward II'' (London: Longman & Co. (Rolls Series, No. 76), 2 vols.|accessdate=20 February 2013| separator = , | postscript =}}; {{harvnb|Weir|2005}}</ref> Not until the relevant sections of the longer Brut chronicle were composed by an anti-Mortimer Lancastrian polemicist in the mid-1430s was the story widely circulated.<ref>{{cite web|last=Mortimer|first=Ian|title=A red-hot poker? It was just a red herring|url=http://www.timeshighereducation.co.uk/176011.article|work=Times Higher Education|accessdate=7 November 2013| separator = , | postscript =}}</ref> The historian [[Michael Prestwich]] states that most of the poker story "belongs to the world of romance rather than of history".<ref name=Prestwich99>{{harvnb|Prestwich|1980|p=99}}</ref> |
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===Death and aftermath=== |
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[[Image:Edward II's cell - geograph.org.uk - 585477.jpg|thumb|upright|Covered-walkway leading to a cell within [[Berkeley Castle]], by tradition associated with Edward's imprisonment]] |
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Those opposed to the new government began to make plans to free Edward, and Roger Mortimer therefore decided to move Edward to the more secure location of [[Berkeley Castle]] in [[Gloucestershire]], where the former King arrived around 5 April 1327.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=542-543}}</ref> Once at the castle, Edward was kept in the custody of Mortimer's brother-in-law, Thomas Berkeley, and John Maltravers, who were given £5 a day for Edward's maintenance.<ref name=Phillips2011P541>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=541}}</ref> It is unclear how well cared for Edward was; the records show luxury goods being bought on his behalf, but some chroniclers suggest that he was often mistreated.<ref name=Phillips2011P541/> A poem, the ''[[Lament of Edward II]]'', was once thought to have been written by Edward during his imprisonment, although modern scholarship has cast doubt on this.<ref name=Poemdetails>{{harvnb|Galbraith|1935|p=221}}; {{harvnb|McKisack|1959|p=2}}; {{harvnb|Smallwood|1973|p=528}}; {{harvnb|Valente|2002|p=422}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|For a sceptical comment, see [[Vivian Hunter Galbraith|Vivian Galbraith]]; [[May McKisack]] reserved judgement, noting that "if he was indeed the author of the Anglo-Norman lament ascribed to him, he knew something of versification;" M. Smallwood feels that "the authorship question has not been settled"; Claire Valente writes "I think it unlikely that Edward II wrote the poem".<ref name=Poemdetails/>|group="nb"}} |
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[[File:Edward II tomb.jpg|thumb|Edward II's tomb at [[Gloucester Cathedral]]]] Nor was there any indication at the time of Edward's death that his wife had any role in his death. It was not until late 1330, when Mortimer was tried and executed, that any writers or chroniclers start mentioning that the ex-king had been murdered.<ref name=Phillips560>{{harvnb|Phillips|2010|pp=560-565}}</ref> |
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Concerns continued to be raised over fresh plots to liberate the former King, some involving the Dominican order and former household knights, and one such attempt got at least as far as breaking into the prison within the castle.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=543-544}}</ref> As a result of these threat, Edward was moved around other locations in secret for a period, before returning to permanent custody at the castle in the late summer of 1327.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=546-547}}</ref> The political situation remained unstable, and new plots appear to have emerged to free him.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=547}}</ref> |
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The historian [[Ian Mortimer (historian)|Ian Mortimer]] has put forward the argument that Edward II was not killed at Berkeley but was still alive at least until 1330.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2005}}</ref> In his biography of Edward III<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2006}}</ref> he explores the implications of this, using evidence including the [[Fieschi Letter]], concluding Edward II may have died in Italy around 1341. In her biography of Isabella, [[Alison Weir]] also considers the [[Fieschi Letter]] narrative – that Edward escaped imprisonment and lived the rest of his life in exile. Other historians, however, including [[David Carpenter (historian)|David Carpenter]],<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n15/letters.html#letter9 |title=Letters · LRB 2 August 2007 |publisher=Lrb.co.uk |accessdate=2012-08-17| separator = , | postscript =}}</ref> have criticised Mortimer's methodology and disagree with his conclusions. |
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On 23 September Edward III was informed that his father had died at Berkeley Castle during the night of 21 September.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=548}}</ref> Most historians agree that Edward II did die at Berkeley on that date, although there is a minority view, described below, that he died much later.<ref name=MainstreamList/>{{#tag:ref|Mainstream historical interpretations of Edward's death include those of Seymour Phillips, who argues that it is "likely that he was murdered, probably by suffocation"; Roy Haines who suggests that the King was probably murdered and that "there is little reason to doubt that Edward of Caernarfon's corpse has remained there [Gloucester Cathedral] undisturbed since December 1327 or thereabouts"; Mira Rubin, who concludes that Edward may have been murdered; Michael Prestwich, who has "no doubt" that Mortimer plotted to murder Edward II, and that he "almost certainly died at Berkeley"; Joe Burden, who believes that Mortimer issued orders for Edward to be killed, and that the King was buried at Gloucester; Mark Ormrod, who argues that Edward was probably murdered, and is buried at Gloucester; Jeffrey Hamilton, who finds the argument that Edward survived Berkeley "fantastic"; and Chris Given-Wilson, who believes it is "almost certainly...true" that Edward died on the night of 21 September and was murdered.<ref name=MainstreamList>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|pp=54-55}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=88}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=16}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|p=177}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=563}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=198, 226, 232}}; {{harvnb|Given-Wilson|1996|p=33}}; {{harvnb|Hamilton|2010|p=133}}; {{cite web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750063.ece | title=Holy Fool | separator = ,| postscript =none | accessdate=22 April 2014 | last1= Given-Wilson | first1= Chris | website=Times Literary Supplement | publisher=Times Literary Supplement | year = 2010 }}</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward's death was, as Mark Ormrod notes, "suspiciously timely", as it simplified Mortimer's political problems considerably, and most historians believe that Edward probably was murdered on the orders of the new regime, although it is impossible to be certain.<ref>{{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|p=177}}</ref> Several of the individuals suspected to have been involved the death, including Sir Thomas Gurney, Maltravers and William Ockley, later fled.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=572-576}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=235-236}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Thomas Berkeley was spared by Edward III, after a jury concluded in 1331 that he had not been involved in the killing of the late King. The same jury found that William Ockley and Edward Gurney had been responsible for the death. Ockley was not heard of again, but Gurney fled and was pursued across Europe, where he was captured in Naples; he died as he was being returned to England. John Maltravers was not formally accused of murdering Edward II but left for Europe and from there contacted Edward III, possibly to make a deal over what he knew about the events of 1327; after a period in exile he was ultimately pardoned and allowed to return to England in 1364. <ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=575-575}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=236-237}}</ref>|group="nb"}} If Edward did die from natural causes, his death may have been hastened by [[Major depressive disorder|depression]] following his imprisonment.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=563}}</ref> |
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A public funeral attended by Isabella was held in 1327, after which Edward's body was said to be laid in Gloucester Cathedral. His son set up an elaborate tomb, which attracted pilgrims from far and wide. |
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The rule of Isabella and Mortimer did not last long after the announcement of Edward's death. They made peace with the Scots in the [[Treaty of Northampton]], but this move was highly unpopular. |
The rule of Isabella and Mortimer did not last long after the announcement of Edward's death. They made peace with the Scots in the [[Treaty of Northampton]], but this move was highly unpopular.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=198-199}}</ref> Isabella and Mortimer both amassed, and spent, great wealth, and criticism of them mounted.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=199-200}}</ref> Relations between Mortimer and the young Edward III became strained and in 1330 the King conducted a ''[[coup d'état]]'' at [[Nottingham Castle]].<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=214-216}}</ref> He arrested Mortimer and then executed him on fourteen charges of treason, including the murder of Edward II.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=216-217}}</ref> Edward III's government sought to blame Mortimer for all of the recent problems, effectively politically rehabilitating the late King.<ref>{{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|pp=177-178}}</ref> The King spared Isabella, giving her a generous allowance, and she soon returned to public life.<ref>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|pp=55-56}}</ref> |
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===Burial and cult=== |
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According to the ''Calendar of Fines Edward III'' (1327–1330) held at Winchester records office, Edward III made every effort to track down his father's killers, William Ockley (not Ogle), Sir Thomas Gurney, and [[Sir John Maltravers]], but they fled the country.{{cn|date=November 2013}}Ockley, Gurney and Maltravers were Roger Mortimer's henchmen from the Welsh Marches. William Ogle died before the event; he was a bailiff of Newcastle according to family history (Ogle and Bothal, British library). |
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[[File:Edward ll tomb - geograph.org.uk - 1704667.jpg|thumb|Edward II's tomb at [[Gloucester Cathedral]]]] |
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Edward's body was [[Embalming|embalmed]] at Berkeley Castle, where it was viewed by local leaders from Bristol and Gloucester.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=16}}</ref> It was then taken to [[Gloucester Abbey]] on 21 October, and on 20 December Edward was buried by the [[high altar]], the funeral having probably been delayed in order to allow Edward III to attend in person.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=118}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|pp=18-19}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|The historian Joel Burden notes that this delay in burial was not unusual for the period; the bodies of many other royalty, including Edward I and Isabella of France, remained unburied for a similar period.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=118}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Gloucester was probably chosen because other abbeys had refused or been forbidden to take the King's body, and because it was close to Berkeley.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=118}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=19}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=228-229}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Although it was normal for Westminster Abbey to be used to bury English monarchs by the 14th century, the practice was not as formalised as it later became.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=20}}</ref>|group="nb"}} The funeral was a grand affair and cost £351 in total, complete with gilt lions, standards painted with [[gold leaf]] and oak barriers to manage the anticipated crowds.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|pp=16-17, 25}}</ref> Edward III's government probably hoped to put a veneer of normality over the recent political events, increasing the legitimacy of the young King's own reign.<ref>{{harvnb|Burden|2004|pp=25-27}}</ref> |
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A temporary wooden [[effigy]] with a copper crown was made for the funeral; this is the known use of a funeral effigy in England, and was probably necessary because of the condition of the King's body, who had died three months before.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=106, 119}}; {{harvnb|Burden|2004|p=21}}</ref> Edward's heart was removed, placed in a silver container, and later buried with Isabella at [[Christ Church Greyfriars|Newgate Church]] in London.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=119}}</ref> His tomb includes a very early example of an English [[alabaster]] effigy, with a [[Chest tomb|tomb-chest]] and a canopy made of [[oolite]] and [[Purbeck stone]].<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=119, 122}}; {{cite web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750063.ece | title=EDWARD II TOMB| separator = ,| postscript = none | accessdate=22 April 2014 | publisher=Gloucester Cathedral | year = 2014 }}</ref> Edward was buried in the shirt, [[coif]] and gloves from his coronation, and his effigy depicts him as king, holding a [[sceptre]] and [[Globus cruciger|orb]], and wearing a strawberry-leaf crown.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=106, 119}}</ref> The effigy features a pronounced lower lip, and may be a close likeness of Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=121}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|Earlier scholarship had argued that the effigy on the tomb was an idealised carving, although more recent work has put more emphasis on its likely resemblance to Edward II.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=121}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=229}}</ref>|group="nb"}} |
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==Issue== |
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Edward II had four children with Isabella: |
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#[[Edward III of England]] (13 November 1312 – 21 June 1377). Married [[Philippa of Hainault]] on 24 January 1328 and had issue. |
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#[[John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall|John of Eltham]] (15 August 1316 – 13 September 1336). Never married. No issue. |
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#[[Eleanor of Woodstock]] (18 June 1318 – 22 April 1355). Married [[Reinoud II of Guelders|Reginald II ''the Black'', Count of Guelders]] in May 1332 and had issue. |
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#[[Joan of The Tower]] (5 July 1321 – 7 September 1362). Married [[David II of Scotland]] on 17 July 1328 and became Queen of Scots, but had no issue. |
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The King's tomb rapidly became a popular site for visitors, probably encouraged by the local monks, who lacked an existing pilgrim attraction.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=119, 122}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|pp=177-178}}.</ref> They gave extensively to the abbey, allowing it to rebuild much of the surrounding church in the 1330s.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|pp=119, 122}}; Gloucester cathedral site</ref> Miracles reportedly took place at the tomb, and modifications had to be made to enable visitors to walk around it in larger numbers.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=122}}; Gloucester cathedral site</ref> The chronicler [[Geoffrey the Baker|Geoffrey de Baker]] depicted Edward as a saintly, tortured [[martyr]] and [[Richard II of England|Richard II]] gave royal support for an unsuccessful bid to have Edward [[Canonization|canonised]] in 1395.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=122}}; {{harvnb|Ormrod|2004|p=179}}</ref> The tomb was opened by officials in 1855, uncovering a wooden coffin, still in good condition, and a sealed lead coffin inside it.<ref>{{harvnb|Duffy|2003|p=123}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=232}}</ref> The tomb remains in what is now [[Gloucester Cathedral]], and was extensively restored between 2007 and 2008 at a cost of over £100,000.<ref>{{cite web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750063.ece | title=EDWARD II TOMB| separator = ,| postscript = none | accessdate=22 April 2014 | publisher=Gloucester Cathedral | year = 2014 }}</ref> |
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Edward had also fathered at least one illegitimate son, [[Adam FitzRoy]], who accompanied his father in the Scottish campaigns of 1322 and died shortly afterwards. |
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===Controversies=== |
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==Edward in popular culture== |
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Rumours and controversy rapidly surrounded Edward's death.<ref>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=55}}</ref> With Mortimer's execution in 1330, rumours began to circulate that Edward had been murdered at Berkeley Castle. Later in the century, chroniclers suggested that he was suffocated and killed by the insertion of a red-hot iron or [[poker]] into his [[anus]], and in the mid-1430s, this story was widely circulated through the Brut chronicle.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=88}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=562}}</ref> It became incorporated into most later histories of Edward, typically being linked to his possible homosexuality. Modern historians have dismissed this account of Edward's death; the historian Michael Prestwich, for example, states that most of this story "belongs to the world of romance rather than of history".<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=88}}</ref> |
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Another set of controversial theories surround the possibility that Edward did not really die in 1327. These theories typically involve the "[[Fieschi Letter]]", sent to Edward III by an Italian priest called Manuel Fieschi, who claimed that Edward escaped Berkeley Castle in 1327 with the help of a servant, and ultimately retired to become a hermit in the [[Holy Roman Empire]].<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=185-188}}</ref> The body buried at Gloucester Cathedral was said to be that of the porter of Berkeley Castle, killed by the assassins and presented by them to Isabella as Edward's corpse to avoid punishment.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=186-188}}</ref> The letter is often linked to an account of Edward III meeting with a man called William the Welshman in [[Antwerp]] in 1338, who claimed to be Edward II.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|p=213}}</ref> |
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Some parts of the letter's content are considered broadly accurate by historians, although other aspects of its account have been criticised as implausible.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=189-208}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=222-229}}</ref> A few historians, however, have supported versions of its narrative. The historian [[Paul C. Doherty|Paul Doherty]] questions the veracity of the letter and the identity of William the Welshman, but nonetheless has suspicions that Edward may have survived his imprisonment.<ref>{{harvnb|Doherty|2004|pp=213-217}}</ref> The popular historian [[Alison Weir]] believes the events in the letter to be essentially true, using the letter to argue that Isabella was innocent of having murdering Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Weir|2006|pp=285-291}}</ref> The historian [[Ian Mortimer (historian)|Ian Mortimer]] suggests that the story in Fieschi's letter is broadly accurate, but argues that it was in fact Mortimer and Isabella who had Edward secretly released, and who then faked his death, a fiction later maintained by Edward III when he came to power.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2005}}; {{harvnb|Mortimer|2008|p=408-410}}</ref> Ian Mortimer's account was critiqued by most scholars when it was first published, in particular by historian David Carpenter.<ref>{{harvnb|Mortimer|2008|p=408}}; {{cite web|url=http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n11/david-carpenter/what-happened-to-edward-ii |title=What happened to Edward II? | last=Carpenter| first= David| publisher=Lrb.co.uk |accessdate=20 April 2014}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|For critique of the theory that Edward II survived his imprisonment, see David Carpenter's review, and Roy Haines's analysis.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.lrb.co.uk/v29/n11/david-carpenter/what-happened-to-edward-ii |title=What happened to Edward II? | last=Carpenter| first= David| publisher=Lrb.co.uk |accessdate=20 April 2014}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=234-237}}</ref>|group="nb"}} |
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==Edward as king== |
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===Kingship, government and law=== |
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{{double image|right|Seal of Edward II.jpg|150|Seal of Edward II-2.jpg|143|Edward's [[Great Seal]]}} |
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Edward was ultimately a failure as a king; the historian Michael Prestwich observes that he "was lazy and incompetent, liable to outbursts of temper over unimportant issues, yet indecisive when it came to major issues", echoed by Roy Haines' description of Edward as "incompetent and vicious", and as "no man of business".<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=73}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=142, 164}}</ref> Edward did not just delegate routine government to his subordinates, but also higher level decision making, and Pierre Chaplais argues that he "was not so much an incompetent king as a reluctant one", preferring to rule through a powerful deputy, such as Piers Gaveston or Hugh Despenser the Younger.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|pp=2-3}}</ref> Edward's willingness to promote his favourites had serious political consequences, although he also attempted to buy the loyalty of a wider grouping of nobles through grants of money and fees.<ref>{{harvnb|Given-Wilson|1996|pp=31-33, 154}}</ref> Edward could take a keen interest in the minutiae of administration, however, and on occasion engaged in the details of a wide range of issues across England and his wider domains.<ref>{{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=39}}</ref> |
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One of Edward's persistent challenges through most of his reign was a shortage of money; of the debts he inherited from his father, around £60,000 was still owing in the 1320s.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=129}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|pp=93-94}}</ref> The King worked his way through a large number of treasurers and other financial officials, few of whom stayed long, and exploited often unpopular tax revenues, prises and taking out loans, first through the Frescobaldi family, and then through his banker Antonio Pessagno.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|pp=94-95}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=218-219}}</ref> Edward took a strong interest in financial matters towards the end of his reign, distrusting his own officials and attempting to increase revenues directly, while cutting back on the expenses of his own household.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=164}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=37}}</ref> |
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Edward was responsible for implementing royal justice through his network of judges and officials.<ref>{{harvnb|Musson|2006|pp=140-141}}</ref> It is uncertain to what extent Edward took a personal interest in dispensing justice, but he appears to have involved himself to some degree during the first part of his reign, and to have increasingly intervened in person after 1322.<ref>{{harvnb|Musson|2006|pp=162-163}}</ref> Edward made extensive use of [[Civil law (Roman)|Roman civil law]] during his reign when arguing in defence of his causes and favourites, which may have attracted criticism from those who perceived this as abandoning older principles of the [[English Common Law]].<ref>{{harvnb|Musson|2006|p=157}}</ref> Edward was also criticised from contemporaries for allowing the Despensers to exploit the royal justice system for their own ends; the Despensers certainly appear to have abused the system, although how just widely they did so is unclear.<ref>{{harvnb|Musson|2006|pp=159-160}}</ref> Amid the political turbulence, armed gangs and violence spread across England under Edward's reign, destabilising the position of many of the local [[gentry]]; much of Ireland similarly disintegrated into anarchy.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=148, 300-301}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=50}}; {{harvnb|Waugh|1991|p=161}}</ref> |
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Parliament grew in importance under Edward as a means of making political decisions and answering petitions, although as the historian Claire Valente notes, the gatherings were "still as much an event as an institution".<ref>{{harvnb|Valente|1998|p=868}}; {{harvnb|Dodd|2006|pp=165-166}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|pp=50-52}}</ref> After 1311, parliament began to include both the barons, and the representatives of the [[knight]]s and [[burgess]]es: the latter grouping would in later years be termed the "[[House of Commons|commons]]".<ref>{{harvnb|Dodd|2006|pp=169, 172-173}}</ref> Although parliament often opposed raising fresh taxes, active opposition to Edward came largely from the barons, rather than parliament itself, although the barons did seek to use parliaments as a way of giving legitimacy to their long-standing political demands.<ref>{{harvnb|Dodd|2006|pp=170-171, 175-177}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=32}}</ref> After resisting it for many years, Edward intervened increasing in Parliament in the second half of his reign to achieve his own political aims.<ref>{{harvnb|Dodd|2006|pp=180-182}}</ref> It remains unclear, however, whether Edward was deposed in 1327 by a formal gathering of parliament or simply a gathering of the political classes alongside an existing parliament.<ref>{{harvnb|Dodd|2006|pp=167-168, 179}}</ref> |
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===Court=== |
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[[File:Cambridge_1575_colour_Trinity_College.jpg|thumb|upright|1575 map showing the [[King's Hall, Cambridge|King's Hall]] (top left) founded by Edward]] |
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Edward's royal court was itinerant, travelling around the country with the King.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=64}}</ref> When housed in Westminster Palace, the court occupied a complex of two halls, seven chambers and three [[chapel]]s, along with other smaller rooms, but, due to the Scottish conflict, the court spent much of its time in Yorkshire and Northumbria.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=64-65}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=33}}</ref> At the heart of the court was Edward's royal household, in turn divided into the "hall" and the "chamber"; the size of the household varied over time, but in 1317 was around 500 strong, including household knights, squires, kitchen and transport staff.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=63}}</ref> The household was surrounded by a wider group of courtiers, and appears to have also attracted a circle of prostitutes and criminal elements.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=63, 65}}</ref> |
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Music and minstrels were very popular at Edward's court, but hunting appears to have been a much less important activity, and there was little emphasis on chivalric events.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=69, 72}}</ref> Edward was interested in buildings and paintings, but less so in literary works, which were not extensively sponsored at court.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=66-68}}</ref> There was an extensive use of gold and silver plates, jewels and enameling at court, which would have been richly decorated.<ref name=Prestwich2006P69/>{{#tag:ref|Among his more esoteric valuables, Edward had a pitcher, allegedly made from a [[griffin]]'s egg.<ref name=Prestwich2006P69>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=69}}</ref>|group="nb"}} Edward kept a [[camel]] as a pet and, as a young man, took a [[lion]] with him on campaign to Scotland.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=75}}</ref> The court could be entertained in exotic ways: in 1312, Edward's court was entertained by an Italian [[snake-charmer]], and the following year by 54 nude French dancers.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=61, 69}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=75}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=33}}</ref>{{#tag:ref|The historian Miri Rubin argues that the displays show a lack of royal decorum. The historian Michael Prestwich notes that these court events imply to many "a decadent extravagance, fitting the familiar stereotype of the king", but goes on to argue that the court was really "conventional, and perhaps even rather dull"; Seymour Phillips questions if the naked French dancers were genuinely extravagant or simply intended to fit in with local French royal culture.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|pp=61, 74}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=75}}; {{harvnb|Rubin|2006|p=33}}</ref>|group="nb"}} |
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===Religion=== |
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Edward's approach to religion was normal for the period, and the historian Michael Prestwich describes him as "a man of wholly conventional religious attitudes".<ref name=Prestiwch2006P67>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2006|p=67}}</ref> There were daily chapel services and [[alms-giving]] at his court, and Edward blessed the sick, although he did this less often than his predecessors.<ref name=Prestiwch2006P67/> Edward remained close to the Dominican order who had helped to educate him, and followed their advice in asking for papal permission to be anointed with the Holy Oil of St Thomas of Canterbury in 1319; this request was refused, causing the King some embarrassment.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=65-66}}</ref> Edward supported the expansion of the universities during his reign, establishing [[King's Hall, Cambridge|King's Hall]] in Cambridge to promote training in religious and civil law, [[Oriel College]] in Oxford and a [[Trinity_College,_Dublin#History|short-lived university in Dublin]].<ref>{{harvnb|Musson|2006|p=157}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=61-62}}</ref> |
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Edward enjoyed a good relationship with the Pope Clement X, despite the King intervening repeatedly in the operation of the English Church, including punishing bishops with whom he disagreed.<ref>{{harvnb|Menache|2002|p=60}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=263}}</ref> With the support of Clement, Edward attempted to gain the financial support of the English Church for his military campaigns in Scotland, including taxation and borrowing money against the funds gathered for the crusades.<ref>{{harvnb|Menache|2002|pp=66, 70-71, 73}}</ref> The English Church did relatively little to influence or moderate Edward's behaviour during his reign, possibly because of the bishops' concerns for their own self-interest and protection.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p==337}}</ref> |
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[[Pope John XXII]] was elected in 1316, seeking Edward's support for a new crusade, and was therefore also inclined to support him politically.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=263}}</ref> In 1317, in exchange for papal support in his war with Scotland, Edward agreed to recommence paying the annual tribute to the Papacy which had been first agreed by [[John of England|King John]] in 1213; Edward soon ceased the payments, however, and the King never offered up homage, another part of the 1213 agreement.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=263}}</ref> In 1325 Edward asked John to instruct the Irish Church to openly preach in favour of his right to rule the island, and to threaten to excommunicate any contrary voices.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=286}}</ref> |
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==Legacy== |
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===Historiography=== |
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[[File:Oriel College Charter.jpg|thumb|[[Oriel College]]'s 1326 charter from Edward]] |
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No chronicler for this period is entirely trustworthy or unbiased, often because their accounts were written to support a particular cause, but it is clear that most contemporary chroniclers were highly critical of Edward.<ref>{{harvnb|Chaplais|1994|p=5}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=36-39}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=9}}</ref> The ''[[Polychronicon]]'', ''[[Vita Edwardi Secundi]]'', ''Vita et Mors Edwardi Secundi'' and the ''Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon'' for example, all condemned the King's personality, habits and choice of companions.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=9-14}}</ref> Other records from his reign show criticism of Edward by his contemporaries, including the Church and members of his own household.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=15-17}}</ref> [[Political song]]s were written about him, complaining about his failure in war and his oppressive government.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=17-19}}</ref> Later in the 14th century, some chroniclers, such as Geoffrey le Baker and [[Thomas Ringstead]], rehabilitated Edward, presenting him as a martyr and a potential saint, although this tradition died out in later years.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=22-23}}</ref> |
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Historians in the 16th and 17th centuries focused on Edward's relationship with Gaveston, drawing comparisons between Edward's reign and the events surrounding the relationship of the [[Jean Louis de Nogaret de La Valette|Duc d'Epernon]] and [[Henry III of France]], and between the [[George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham|Duke of Buckingham]] and [[Charles I of England|Charles I]].<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=24-25}}</ref> In the first half of the 19th century, popular historians such as [[Charles Dickens]] and [[Charles Knight (publisher)|Charles Knight]] popularised Edward's life with the [[Victorian era|Victorian public]], focusing on the King's relationship with his favourites and, increasingly, alluding to his possible homosexuality.<ref>{{harvnb|Horne|1999|pp=34-35}}</ref> From the 1870s onwards, however, open academic discussion of Edward's sexuality was circumscribed by changing English values, and by the start of the 20th century, English schools were being advised by the government to avoid overt discussion of Edward's personal relationships in history lessons.<ref>{{harvnb|Horne|1999|pp=32, 40-41}}</ref> Views on Edward's sexuality have continued to develop over the years.<ref>{{harvnb|Prestwich|2003|p=72}}</ref> |
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By the end of the 19th century, more administrative records from the period had become available to historians such as [[William Stubbs]], [[Thomas Frederick Tout|Thomas Tout]] and J. C. Davies, who focused on the development of the English constitutional and governmental system during his reign.<ref name=WaughPhillipsP241>{{harvnb|Waugh|1991|p=241}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=29}}</ref> Although critical of what they regarded as Edward's inadequacies as a king, they also emphasised the growth of the role of parliament and the reduction in personal royal authority under Edward II, which they perceived as positive developments.<ref>{{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=29}}; {{harvnb|Haines|2003|pp=35-36}}</ref> During the 1970s the historiography of Edward's reign shifted away from this model, supported by the further publishing of records from the period in the last quarter of the 20th century.<ref name=WaughPhillipsP241/> The work of Jeffrey Denton, Jeffrey Hamilton, [[John Maddicott]] and Seymour Phillips, re-focused attention on the role of the individual leaders in the conflicts.<ref>{{harvnb|Waugh|1991|p=241}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=29-30}}</ref> With the exceptions of Hilda Johnstone's work on Edward's younger life, and Natalie Fryde's study of Edward's final years, however, the focus of the major historical studies for several years was on the leading magnates rather than Edward himself, until substantial biographies of the King were published by Roy Haines and Seymour Phillips in 2003 and 2011.<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2006|p=5}}; {{harvnb|Alexander|1985|p=103}}; {{harvnb|Waugh|1991|p=241}}; {{harvnb|Schofield|2005|p=1295}}; {{cite web | url=http://www.the-tls.co.uk/tls/reviews/history/article750063.ece | title=Holy Fool | separator = ,| postscript =none | accessdate=22 April 2014 | last1= Given-Wilson | first1= Chris | website=Times Literary Supplement | publisher=Times Literary Supplement | year = 2010 }}</ref> |
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===Popular culture=== |
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[[File:Edwardiiquarto.gif|thumb|upright|Title page of the earliest published text of ''[[Edward II (play)|Edward II]]'' (1594)]] |
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{{Main|Cultural depictions of Edward II of England}} |
{{Main|Cultural depictions of Edward II of England}} |
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[[File:Royal Arms of England (1198-1340).svg|upright|Edward's Coat of Arms as King|thumb]] |
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Edward II has been portrayed in popular culture a number of times. The most famous fictional account of Edward II's reign is [[Christopher Marlowe]]'s play ''[[Edward II (play)|Edward II]]'' (c. 1592). It depicts Edward's reign as a single narrative, and mentions Bannockburn only in a poem: |
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Several plays have shaped Edward's contemporary image.<ref name=Burgtorf2008P31>{{harvnb|Burgtorf|2008|p=31}}</ref> [[Christopher Marlowe]]'s play ''[[Edward II (play)|Edward II]]'' was first performed around 1592, and focuses on Edward's relationship with Piers Gaveston, reflecting 16th-century concerns about the relationships between monarchs and their favourites.<ref>{{harvnb|Lawrence|2006|p=206}}; {{harvnb|Martin|2010|pp=19-20}}</ref> Marlowe presents Edward's death as a murder, drawing parallels between the killing and martyrdom; although Marlowe does not describe the actual nature of Edward's murder in the script, it has usually been performed following the tradition that Edward was killed with a red-hot poker.<ref>{{harvnb|Martin|2010|pp=19-20}}</ref> The character of Edward in the play, who has been likened to Marlowe's contemporaries [[James I of Scotland]] and Henry III of France, may have influenced [[William Shakespeare]]'s portrayal of [[Richard II (play)|Richard II]].<ref>{{harvnb|Logan|2007|pp=83-84}}; {{harvnb|Perry|2000|pp=1055-1056, 1062-1063}}</ref> In the 17th century, the playwright [[Ben Jonson]] picked up the same theme for his unfinished work, ''Mortimer His Fall''.<ref>{{harvnb|Lawrence|2006|p=206}}</ref> |
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<blockquote><poem> |
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Lancaster: And thereof came it that the fleering* Scots, |
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To England's high disgrace, have made this jig; |
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Maids of England, sore may you mourn, |
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For your lemans you have lost at Bannocksbourn, |
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With a heave and a ho! |
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What weeneth the king of England |
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So soon to have won Scotland!-- |
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With a [[wikt:rumble|rumbelow]]!' |
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</poem></blockquote> |
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<nowiki>*</nowiki>''fleering'' = ''jeering'' |
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The filmmaker [[Derek Jarman]] adapted the Marlowe play into a [[Edward II (film)|film]] in 1992, creating a [[postmodern]] [[pastiche]] of the original, depicting Edward as a strong, explicitly homosexual leader, ultimately overcome by powerful enemies.<ref>{{harvnb|Burgtorf|2008|p=31}}; {{harvnb|Prasch|1993|p=1165}}</ref> In Jarman's version, Edward finally escapes captivity, following the tradition in the Fieschi letter.<ref>{{harvnb|Prasch|1993|pp=1165-1166}}</ref> Edward's current popular image was also shaped by his contrasting portrayal in [[Mel Gibson]]'s 1995 film ''[[Braveheart]]'', where he is portrayed as weak and implicitly homosexual, wearing silk clothes and heavy makeup, shunning the company of women and incapable of dealing militarily with the Scots.<ref>{{harvnb|Brintnell|2011|pp=40-41}}; {{harvnb|Burgtorf|2008|p=31}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=31}}</ref> The film received extensive criticism, both for its historical inaccuracies and for its negative portrayal of homosexuality.<ref>{{harvnb|Aberth|2003|pp=303-304}}</ref> |
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Edward's life has also been used in a wide variety of other media. The director [[David Bintley]] used Marlowe's play as the basis for the ballet ''[[Edward II (ballet)|Edward II]]'', first performed in 1995; the music from the ballet forms apart of composer [[John McCabe (composer)|John McCabe]]'s symphony ''Edward II'', produced in 2000.<ref name=Burgtorf2008P31/> Novels such as John Penford's 1984 ''The Gascon'' and Chris Hunt's 1992 ''Gaveston'' have focused on the sexual aspects of Edward and Gaveston's relationship, while [[Stephanie Merritt]]'s 2002 ''Gaveston'' transports the story into the 20th century.<ref name=Burgtorf2008P31/> [[Marcus Stone]]'s painting ''Edward II and Piers Gaveston'' strongly hinted at a homosexual relationship between the pair, while avoiding making this aspect explicit; it was initially shown at the [[Royal Academy]] in 1872, but was marginalised in later decades as the issue of homosexuality became more sensitive.<ref>{{harvnb|Horne|1999|pp=31, 40, 42}}</ref> |
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In 1991 English filmmaker [[Derek Jarman]] adapted the Christopher Marlowe play into a [[Edward II (film)|film]] featuring [[Tilda Swinton]], [[Steven Waddington]], [[Andrew Tiernan]], [[Nigel Terry]], and [[Annie Lennox]]. The film specifically portrays a homosexual relationship between Edward II and Piers Gaveston. |
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==Issue== |
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French novelist [[Maurice Druon]]'s saga ''[[The Accursed Kings]]'' depicts Edward II and the Despensers' fall in its fifth novel, ''La Louve de France'' (The She-Wolfe of France). In this novel (whose title refers to Queen Isabelle's nickname) homosexuality of the king and a close, loving relationship with Hugh Despenser are portrayed and a secret murder of the King in prison by red-iron impalement. |
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[[File:Royal Arms of England (1198-1340).svg|upright|thumb|Edward's [[coat of arms]] as king]] |
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Edward II had four children with Isabella:<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=355}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|p=102}}</ref> |
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#[[Edward III of England]] (13 November 1312 – 21 June 1377). Married [[Philippa of Hainault]] on 24 January 1328 and had issue. |
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Edward was portrayed as an effeminate homosexual in ''[[Braveheart]]''. His death and sexuality are mentioned a number of times in [[Michael Crichton]]'s novel ''[[Timeline (novel)|Timeline]]''. |
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#[[John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall|John of Eltham]] (15 August 1316 – 13 September 1336). Never married. No issue. |
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#[[Eleanor of Woodstock]] (18 June 1318 – 22 April 1355). Married [[Reinoud II of Guelders]] in May 1332 and had issue. |
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#[[Joan of The Tower]] (5 July 1321 – 7 September 1362). Married [[David II of Scotland]] on 17 July 1328 and became Queen of Scots, but had no issue. |
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Edward had also fathered the illegitimate [[Adam FitzRoy]] (c. 1307 - 1322), who accompanied his father in the Scottish campaigns of 1322 and died shortly afterwards.<ref>{{harvnb|Haines|2003|p=270}}; {{harvnb|Phillips|2011|pp=428-429}}</ref> |
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Edward II's supposed escape from prison and obscure life in exile forms the main secret plot of [[Ken Follett]]'s novel ''[[World Without End (Follett novel)|World Without End]]'', and the subsequent [[World Without End (miniseries)|TV miniseries of the same name]]. |
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==Ancestry== |
==Ancestry== |
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{{ahnentafel top|width=100%|Ancestors of Edward II of England<ref>{{harvnb|Hamilton|2010|p=viii}}; {{harvnb|Carpenter|2004|pp=532–536}}; {{harvnb|Prestwich|1988|p=574}}; {{harvnb|O'Callaghan|1975|p=681}}; {{harvnb|Durand|Clémencet|Dantine|1818|p=435}}; {{cite web | url= http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/printable/8620 | title=Eleanor [Eleanor of Provence] (c.1223–1291), queen of England, consort of Henry III | separator = ,| postscript =none | accessdate=22 April 2014 | last1= Howell| first1= Margaret | website=Oxford Dictionary of National Biography | publisher=Oxford University Press | year = 2004–14 }}; {{cite web | url= http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/printable/8619 | title=Eleanor [Eleanor of Castile] (1241–1290), queen of England, consort of Edward I | separator = ,| postscript =none | accessdate=22 April 2014 | last1= Parsons | first1= John Carmi| website=Oxford Dictionary of National Biography | publisher=Oxford University Press | year = 2004–14 }}</ref>}} |
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{{ahnentafel top|width=100%}} |
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<center>{{ahnentafel- |
<center>{{ahnentafel-compact4 |
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|style=font-size: 90%; line-height: 110%; |
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|border=1 |
|border=1 |
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|boxstyle_3=background-color: #ffc; |
|boxstyle_3=background-color: #ffc; |
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|boxstyle_4=background-color: #bfc; |
|boxstyle_4=background-color: #bfc; |
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|boxstyle_5=background-color: #9fe; |
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|1= 1. '''Edward II of England''' |
|1= 1. '''Edward II of England''' |
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|2= 2. [[Edward I of England]] |
|2= 2. [[Edward I of England]] |
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|14= 14. [[Simon of Dammartin|Simon de Dammartin, Count of Ponthieu]] |
|14= 14. [[Simon of Dammartin|Simon de Dammartin, Count of Ponthieu]] |
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|15= 15. [[Marie of Ponthieu]] |
|15= 15. [[Marie of Ponthieu]] |
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|16= 16. [[Henry II of England]] |
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|17= 17. [[Eleanor of Aquitaine]] |
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|18= 18. [[Aymer of Angoulême|Aymer Taillifer, Count of Angoulême]] |
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|19= 19. [[Alice of Courtenay]] |
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|20= 20. [[Alfonso II, Count of Provence]] |
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|21= 21. [[Garsenda, Countess of Forcalquier|Garsenda II of Sabran]] |
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|22= 22. [[Thomas I of Savoy]] |
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|23= 23. [[Margaret of Geneva|Marguerite of Geneva]] |
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|24= 24. [[Ferdinand II of León]] |
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|25= 25. [[Urraca of Portugal]] |
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|26= 26. [[Alfonso VIII of Castile]] |
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|27= 27. [[Leonora of England]] (daughter of 16 & 17) |
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|28= 28. [[Alberic II of Dammartin|Alberic, Count of Dammartin]] |
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|29= 29. Maud of Clermont |
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|30= 30. [[William IV of Ponthieu]] |
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|31= 31. [[Alys, Countess of the Vexin]] |
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}}</center> |
}}</center> |
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{{ahnentafel bottom}} |
{{ahnentafel bottom}} |
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==See also== |
==See also== |
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* [[History of sex#Same-sex relations|History of same sex relationships]], specifically the note on historiographical considerations |
* [[History of sex#Same-sex relations|History of same sex relationships]], specifically the note on historiographical considerations |
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* [[Cultural depictions of Edward II of England]] |
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* [[Vita Edwardi Secundi]] |
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* [[List of unusual deaths]] |
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* [[Burial places of British royalty]] |
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* [[Timeline of LGBT history]] |
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* [[Great Famine of 1315–1317]] |
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==Notes== |
==Notes== |
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Line 250: | Line 321: | ||
==References== |
==References== |
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{{Reflist|2}} |
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| chapter = Sermons of Sodomy: A Reconsideration of Edward II's Sodomitical Reputation |
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| title = The Reign of Edward II: New Perspectives |
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| publisher = York Medieval Press |
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| chapter = Edward II: The Public and Private Faces of the Law |
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| chapter = The Place of the Reign of Edward II |
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==External links== |
==External links== |
||
* [http://www.gloucestercathedral.org.uk/index.php?page=edward-ii-tomb Edward's tomb] at Gloucester Cathedral |
|||
* [http://www.royal.gov.uk/HistoryoftheMonarchy/KingsandQueensofEngland/ThePlantagenets/EdwardII.aspx Edward II] at the official website of the British Monarchy |
|||
* [http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/historic_figures/edward_ii_king.shtml Edward II] at BBC History |
|||
* [http://www.gloucestercathedral.org.uk/index.php?page=edward-ii-tomb Tomb] at Gloucester Cathedral |
|||
* {{NRA | id=P48473}} |
* {{NRA | id=P48473}} |
||
* {{npg name|id=01425|name=King Edward II}} |
* {{npg name|id=01425|name=King Edward II}} |
||
{{s-start}} |
{{s-start}} |
Revision as of 18:57, 22 April 2014
Edward II | |
---|---|
King of England | |
Reign | 7 July 1307 – 25 January 1327 |
Coronation | 25 February 1308 |
Predecessor | Edward I |
Successor | Edward III |
Born | Caernarfon Castle, Gwynedd | 25 April 1284
Died | 21 September 1327 Berkeley Castle, Gloucestershire | (aged 43)
Burial | Gloucester Cathedral, Gloucestershire |
Spouse | Isabella of France (m. 1308) |
Issue | Edward III of England (b. 1312) John of Eltham, Earl of Cornwall (b. 1316) Eleanor, Countess of Guelders (b. 1318) Joan, Queen of Scots (b. 1321) Adam FitzRoy (b. 1307) |
House | House of Plantagenet |
Father | Edward I of England |
Mother | Eleanor of Castile |
Religion | Roman Catholic |
Edward II (25 April 1284 – 21 September 1327), also called Edward of Caernarfon, was King of England from 1307 until he was deposed in January 1327. The fourth son of Edward I, Edward became the heir to the throne following the death of his older brother Alfonso. He grew up to be tall, athletic and was considered good-looking by his contemporaries. From 1300 onward, Edward accompanied his father on his campaigns to pacify Scotland, and in 1307 he was knighted in a grand ceremony at Westminster Abbey. Edward succeeded to the throne later that year, following his father's death. In 1308 he married Isabella of France, the daughter of the powerful King Philip IV, as part of a long-running effort to resolve the tensions between the English and French crowns.
Edward had a very close relationship with Piers Gaveston, who had first joined his household in 1300. The precise nature of Edward and Gaveston's relationship is uncertain; they may have been friends, lovers or sworn brothers. Gaveston's position as Edward's favourite provoked discontent both among the barons and the French royal family, and Edward was forced to exile him. On Gaveston's return, the King was pressured into agreeing to wide-ranging reforms called the Ordinances of 1311. Gaveston was banished by the barons, to which Edward responded by revoking the reforms and recalling his favourite. Led by Edward's cousin, the Earl of Lancaster, a group of the barons seized and executed Gaveston in 1312, beginning several years of armed confronation. England was pushed back onto the defensive in Scotland, where Edward was decisively defeated by Robert the Bruce at the Battle of Bannockburn in 1314. Widespread famine followed, and criticism of the King mounted.
The Despenser family, in particular Hugh Despenser the Younger, became close friends and advisers to Edward, but in 1321 Lancaster and many of the barons seized the Despensers' lands and forced the King to exile them. In response, Edward led a short military campaign, capturing and executing Lancaster. Edward and the Despensers strengthened their grip on power, revoking the 1311 reforms, executing their enemies and confiscating estates. Unable to make progress in Scotland, Edward finally signed a truce with Robert. Opposition to the regime grew, and when Isabella was sent to France to negotiate a peace treaty in 1325, she turned against Edward and refused to return. Isabella allied herself with the exiled Roger Mortimer, and invaded England with a small army in 1326. Edward's regime collapsed and he fled into Wales, where he was captured in November. Edward was forced to relinquish his crown in January 1327 in favour of his son, Edward III, and he died in Berkeley Castle on 21 September, probably murdered on the orders of the new regime.
Edward's relationship with Gaveston inspired Christopher Marlowe's 1592 play Edward II, along with other plays, films, novels and media. Many of these have focused on the possible homosexual relationship between the two men. Edward's contemporaries were highly critical of his performance as a king, noting his failures in Scotland and the oppressive regime of his later years, although 19th-century academics argued that the growth of parliamentary institutions during his reign were a positive development for England over the longer term. Debate has continued into the 21st century as to whether Edward was a lazy and incompetent king, or simply a reluctant and ultimately unsuccessful ruler.
Background
Edward II was the fourth son of Edward I and his first wife, Eleanor of Castile.[1] His father was the King of England, and had also inherited Gascony in south-western France, which he held as the feudal vassal of the King of France, and the Lordship of Ireland.[2] His mother was from the Castilian royal family, and held the County of Ponthieu in northern France. Edward I proved to be a successful military leader, leading the suppression of the baronial revolts in the 1260s, and joining the Ninth Crusade.[3] During the 1280s he conquered North Wales, removing the native Welsh princes from power, and in the 1290s he intervened in Scotland's civil war, claiming suzerainty over the country.[4] He was a considered an extremely successful ruler by his contemporaries, largely able to control the powerful earls that formed the senior ranks of the English nobility.[5] The historian Michael Prestwich describes Edward I as "a king to inspire fear and respect", while John Gillingham characterises him as an efficient bully.[6]
Despite his successes, Edward I died leaving a range of challenges for his son to resolve.[7] One of the most challenging was the problem of Scotland, where Edward's long and ultimately inconclusive military campaign was still ongoing when he died.[8] Edward's control of Gascony was a source of ongoing tension with the French kings.[9] The French kings considered Gascony to be part of the Kingdom of France, and were insistent that the English kings should give homage to them for the lands; repeated English kings had seen this demand as insulting to their honour, and the issue remained unresolved.[9] Edward I also faced increasing opposition from the his barons over the taxation and requisitions required to resource his wars, and left debts of around £200,000 on his death.[10][nb 1]
Early life (1284-1307)
Birth
Edward II was born in Caernarfon Castle in North Wales on 25 April 1284, less than a year after Edward I had conquered the region, and as a result is sometimes called Edward of Caernarfon.[12] The King probably deliberately chose the castle as the location for Edward's birth, as it was an important symbolic location for the native Welsh, associated with Roman imperial history, and formed the centre of the his new royal administration of North Wales.[13] Edward's birth brought with it predictions of greatness, with contemporary prophets, who believed that the Last Days of the world were imminent, declaring him to be a new King Arthur, who would lead England to glory.[14] David Powel, a 16th-century clergyman, suggested that the baby was offered to the Welsh as a prince "that was borne in Wales and could speake never a word of English", but there is no evidence to support this account.[15]
Edward's name was English in origin, linking him to the Anglo-Saxon saint Edward the Confessor, and was chosen by his father in contrast to the more traditional Norman and Castilian names selected for Edward's brothers.[16] Edward had three elder brothers, John and Henry, who had died before Edward was born, and Alfonso, who died in August 1284, leaving Edward as the heir to the throne.[17] Although Edward was a relatively healthy child, there were enduring concerns throughout his early years that he too might die and leave his father without a male heir.[17] After his birth, Edward was looked after for a few months by a wet-nurse called Mariota or Mary Maunsel, until she fell ill, when Alice de Leygrave became his foster mother.[18] He would have barely known his natural mother Eleanor, who was in Gascony during his earliest years.[18] An official household complete with staff was created for the new baby, under the direction of a clerk, Giles of Oudenarde.[19]
Childhood, personality and appearance
Spending on Edward's personal household increased as Edward grew older, and in 1293 William of Blyborough took over as its administrator.[20] Edward was probably given a religious education by the Dominican friar, whom his mother invited into his household in 1290.[21] He was assigned one of his grandmother's followers, Guy Ferre, as his magister, who was responsible for his discipline, training him in riding and military skills.[22] It is uncertain how well educated Edward was; there is little evidence for his ability to read and write, although his mother was keen that other of her children were well educated, and Ferre was himself a relatively learned man for the period.[23][nb 2] Edward probably mainly spoke Anglo-Norman French in his daily life, in addition to some English and possibly Latin.[25][nb 3]
Edward had a relatively normal childhood for a member of a royal family.[27] [nb 4] The prince was interested in horses and horsebreeding, and became an good rider; he also liked dogs, in particular greyhounds.[29] In his letters, he shows a quirky sense of humour, joking about sending unsatisfactory animals to his friends, such as horses who disliked carrying their riders, or lazy hunting dogs too slow to catch rabbits.[30] He was not, however, particularly interested in hunting or falconry, both typically popular activities in the 14th century.[31] He enjoyed music, including Welsh music and the newly invented crwth instrument, as well as musical organs.[32] He did not take part in jousting, either because he lacked the aptitude or because he had been banned from participating for his personal safety, but he was certainly supportive of the sport.[33]
Edward grew up to be tall, muscular and was considered to be good looking by the standards of the period.[34] He had a reputation as a competent public speaker and was known for his generosity to his household staff.[35] Unusually, however, he enjoyed rowing, as well as hedging and ditching, and enjoyed associating with labourers and other lower-class workers.[36][nb 5] This behaviour was not considered normal for the nobility of the period and attracted considerable criticism from contemporaries.[38]
In 1290, Edward's father confirmed the Treaty of Birgham, in which he promised to marry his six-year old son to the young Margaret of Norway, who had a potential claim to the crown of Scotland.[39] Margaret died later that year, bringing an end to the plan.[40] Edward's mother, Eleanor, died shortly afterwards, followed by his grandmother, Eleanor of Provence.[41] Edward I was distraught at his wife's death and held a huge funeral for her; his son inherited the County of Ponthieu from Eleanor on her death.[41] Next, a French marriage was considered for the young Edward, to help secure peace with France, but war broke out.[42] The idea was replaced with the proposal of a marriage to a daughter of the Count of Flanders, but this too fell through after it was blocked by Philip IV of France.[42]
Early campaigns in Scotland
Between 1297 and 1298, Edward was left in charge of England while Edward I campaigned in Flanders against Philip IV, who had occupied part of the English King's lands in Gascony.[43] On his return, Edward I agreed a peace treaty, under which he took Philip's sister, Margaret, as his wife and agreed that Prince Edward would in due course marry Philip's daughter, Isabella, who was then only two years old.[44] In theory, this marriage would mean that the disputed Duchy of Gascony would be inherited by a descendant of both Edward and Philip, providing a possible end to the long-running tensions.[45] The young Edward seems to have got on well with his new mother-in-law, who gave birth to Edward's two half-brothers, Thomas and Edmund, in 1300 and 1301.[46] As king, Edward later provided his brothers with financial support and titles.[47][nb 6]
Edward I returned to Scotland once again in 1300, and this time took his son with him, making him the commander of the rearguard at the siege of Caerlaverock.[48] In the spring of 1301, the King declared Edward the Prince of Wales, granting him the Earldom of Chester and lands across North Wales; he seems to have hoped that this would help pacify the region, and that it would give his son more financial independence.[49] Edward received homage from his Welsh subjects and then joined his father for the 1301 Scottish campaign, taking an army of around 300 soldiers north with him, which successfully captured Turnberry Castle.[50] Edward also took part in the 1303 campaign, when he besieged Brechin Castle, deploying his own siege engine in the operation.[51] In the spring of 1304, Edward conducted negotiations with the rebel Scottish leaders on the King's behalf and, when these failed, he joined his father for the siege of Stirling Castle.[52]
In 1305, Edward and his father quarreled, probably over the issue of money.[53] The Prince had an altercation with Bishop Walter Langton, who served as the royal treasurer, apparently over the amount of financial support Edward was receiving from the Crown.[54] Edward I defended his treasurer, and banished his son and his companions from his court, cutting off their financial support.[55] After some negotiations involving family members and friends, the two men were reconciled.[56]
The Scottish conflict flared up once again in 1307, when Robert the Bruce killed his rival John Comyn and declared himself the King of the Scots.[57] Edward I mobilised a fresh army, but decided that this time his son would be formally in charge of the expedition.[57] Prince Edward was made the Duke of Aquitaine and then, along with many other young men, he was knighted in a ceremony at Westminster Abbey called the Feast of the Swans.[58] Amid a huge feast in the neighbouring hall, reminiscent of Arthurian legends and crusading events, the assembly took a collective oath to defeat Bruce.[59] It is unclear what role Prince Edward's forces played in the campaign that summer, which, under the orders of Edward I, was saw a punitive, brutal retaliation against Bruce's faction in Scotland.[60][nb 7] Edward returned to England in September, where diplomatic negotiations to finalise a date for his wedding to Isabella were still continuing.[62]
Piers Gaveston and sexuality
During this time, Edward became close to a young man called Piers Gaveston.[63] Gaveston was the son of one of the King's household knights whose lands lay adjacent to Gascony, and joined Prince Edward's household in 1300, possibly on Edward I's instruction.[64] The two got on well, and Gaveston became a squire, was soon being referred to as a close companion of Edward, before being knighted by the King during the Feast of Swans in 1306.[65] Gaveston was then exiled to Gascony by the King in 1307, for reasons that remain unclear.[66] According to one chronicler, Edward had asked his father to allow him to give Gaveston the County of Ponthieu, and the King responded furiously, pulling his son's hair out in great handfuls, before then permanently exiling Gaveston.[67] The official court records, however, show Gaveston being only temporarily exiled, supported by a comfortable stipend; no reason is given for the order, suggesting that it may have been an act aimed at punishing the prince in some way.[68]
The possibility that Edward had a homosexual relationship with Gaveston or his later favourites has been extensively discussed by historians, complicated by the paucity of surviving evidence to determine for certain the details of their relationships.[69][nb 8] Homosexuality was fiercely condemned by the Church in 14th-century England, who equated it with heresy, but engaging in sex with another man did not necessarily define an individual's personal identity in the same way that it might do in the 21st century.[71] Indeed, Edward and Gaveston both had sexual relationships with their wives, who bore them children; Edward also had an illegitimate son, and may also have had an affair with his niece, Eleanor de Clare.[72]
The contemporary evidence for a homosexual relationship comes primarily from an anonymous chronicler in the 1320s, who described how Edward "felt such love" for Gaveston that "he entered into a covenant of constancy, and bound himself with him before all other mortals with a bond of indissoluble love, firmly drawn up and fastened with a knot".[73] The first specific suggestion that Edward engaged in sex with men was recorded in 1334, when Adam Orleton, the Bishop of Winchester, was accused of having stated in 1326 that Edward was a "sodomite", although Orleton defended himself by arguing that he had meant that Edward's advisor, Hugh Despenser the Younger, was a sodomite, rather than the late King.[74] The Meaux Chronicle from the 1390s similarly notes that Edward gave himself "too much to the vice of sodomy."[75]
Alternatively, Edward and Gaveston may have simply been friends, with a close working relationship.[76] Contemporary chronicler comments are vaguely worded, Orleton's allegations were at least in part politically motivated, and closely resemble the highly politicised sodomy allegations made against Pope Boniface VIII and the Knights Templar in 1303 and 1308 respectively.[77] Later chronicler accounts of Edward's activities may trace back to Orleton's original allegations, and were certainly adversely coloured by the events at the end of Edward's reign.[78] Historians such as Michael Prestwich and Seymour Phillips argue that the very public nature of the English royal court would have it unlikely that any homosexual affairs would have remained discreet, and that observe that neither the contemporary Church, Edward's father nor his father-in-law appear to have made any adverse comments about Edward's sexual behaviour.[79]
A more recent theory is that Edward and Gaveston entered into a bond of adoptive brotherhood.[80] Compacts of adoptive brotherhood, in which the participants pledged to support each other in a form of "brotherhood-in-arms", were not unknown between close male friends in the Middle Ages.[81] Many chroniclers described Edward and Gaveston's relationship as one of brotherhood, and one explicitly noted that Edward had taken Gaveston as his adopted brother.[82] The historian Pierre Chaplais argues that the pair may have made a formal compact in either 1300 or 1301, and that they would have seen any later promises they made to separate or to leave each other as having been made under duress, and therefore invalid.[83] Such a compact, however, might not have excluded their relationship from having a sexual dimension as well.[84]
Early reign (1307-11)
Coronation and marriage
Edward I mobilised another army for the Scottish campaign in 1307, which Prince Edward was due to join that summer.[85] The elderly King had been increasingly unwell, however, and died on 7 July at Burgh by Sands.[86] Edward travelled up from London immediately after the news reached him, and on 20 July he was proclaimed king; he continued north into Scotland and on 4 August received homage from his Scottish supporters at Dumfries.[87][nb 9] Edward promptly recalled Piers Gaveston, who was then in exile, and appointed him as the Earl of Cornwall, before arranging his marriage to the wealthy Margaret de Clare.[89][nb 10] Edward also arrested his old adversary Bishop Langton, and dismissed him from his post as treasurer.[91] Edward I's body was kept at Waltham Abbey for several months before being taken for burial to Westminster, where Edward erected a simple marble tomb for his father.[92]
In 1308, Edward's marriage to Isabella of France went ahead.[93] Edward crossed the English Channel to France in January, leaving Gaveston as his custos regni in charge of the kingdom in his absence.[94] This arrangement was unusual, and involved unprecedented powers being delegated to Gaveston, backed by a specially engraved Great Seal.[95] Edward probably hoped that the marriage would strengthen his position in Gascony and bring him much needed funds.[96] The final negotiations, however, proved challenging: Edward and Philip IV did not like each other, and the French King drove a hard bargain over the size of Isabella's dower and the details of the administration of Edward's lands in France.[97] As part of the agreement, Edward gave homage to Philip for the Duchy of Aquitaine and agreed a commission to complete the implementation of the 1303 Treaty of Paris.[98]
The pair were married in Boulogne on 25 January.[99] Edward gave Isabella a psalter as a wedding gift, and her father gave her gifts worth over 21,000 livres and a fragment of the True Cross.[100] The pair returned to England in February, where Edward had ordered Westminster Palace to be lavishly restored ready for their coronation and wedding feast, complete with marble tables, forty ovens and a wine and pimento fountain.[101] After some delays, the ceremony went ahead on 25 February, under the guidance of the Archbishop of Canterbury.[102] As part of the coronation, Edward swore to uphold "the rightful laws and customs which the community of the realm shall have chosen".[103] It is uncertain what this meant: it might have been intended to force Edward to accept future legislation; it may have been inserted to prevent him from over-turning any future vows he might take; or it may have been an attempt by the King to ingratiate himself with the barons.[104][nb 11] The event was marred by the large crowds of eager spectators, who surged into the palace, knocking down a wall and forcing Edward to flee by the back door.[106]
Isabella was only 12 years old at the time of her wedding, young by the standards of the period, and Edward probably had sexual relations with mistresses during their first few years together.[107] During this time Edward fathered an illegitimate son, Adam, who was born possibly as early as 1307.[107] Edward and Isabella's first son, the future Edward III, was born in 1312, amid great celebrations and three more children followed: John in 1316, Eleanor in 1318 and Joan in 1321.[108]
Tensions over Gaveston
Gaveston's return from exile in 1307 was initially accepted by the barons, but opposition quickly grew.[109] He appeared to have an excessive influence on royal policy, leading to complaints from one chronicler that there were "two kings reigning in one kingdom, the one in name and the other in deed".[110] Accusations, probably untrue, were levelled at Gaveston that he had stolen royal funds and had purloined Isabella's wedding presents.[111] Gaveston had played a key role at Edward's coronation, provoking fury from both the English and French contingents about the earl's ceremonial precedence, magnificent clothes and over Edward's apparent preference for Gaveston's company over Isabella's at the feast.[112]
Parliament met in February 1308 in a febrile atmosphere.[113] Edward was keen to discuss the potential for governmental reform, but the barons were unwilling to begin any such debate until the problem of Gaveston had been resolved.[113] Violence seemed likely, but the situation was resolved through the mediation of the moderate Henry de Lacy, the Earl of Lincoln, who convinced the barons to back down.[114] A fresh parliament was held in April, where the barons once again criticised Gaveston, demanding his exile, supported by Isabella and the French monarchy.[115] Edward resisted, but finally gave in, agreeing to send Gaveston to Aquitaine, under threat of excommunication should he return, where he would be given estates to support himself.[116] At the last moment, Edward changed his mind and instead sent Gaveston to Dublin, appointing him as the Lieutenant of Ireland.[117]
Edward called for a fresh military campaign for Scotland, but this idea was quietly abandoned, and instead the King and the barons met in August 1308 to discuss reform.[118] Behind the scenes, Edward started negotiations to convince both Pope Clement V and Philip IV to allow Gaveston to return to England, offering in exchange to suppress the Knights Templar in England, and to release Bishop Langton from prison.[119] Edward called a fresh meeting of members of the Church and key barons in January 1309, and the leading earls then gathered in March and April, possibly under the leadership of Thomas, the Earl of Lancaster.[120] A fresh parliament followed, which refused to allow Gaveston to return to England, but which offered to grant Edward additional taxes if he agreed to a programme of reform.[121]
The Pope agreed to annul Gaveston's sentence of excommunication, opening up the possibility of his return.[122] Gaveston arrived back in England in June, where he was met by Edward.[123] At the parliament the next month, Edward made a range of concessions to placate those opposed to Gavston, including agreeing to limit the powers of the royal steward and the marshal of the royal household, to regulate the Crown's unpopular powers of purveyance and to abandon recently enacted customs legislation; in return, the parliament agreed to fresh taxes for the war in Scotland.[124] Temporarily, Edward and the barons appeared to have come to a successful compromise.[125]
The Ordinances of 1311
Following his return, Gaveston's relationship with the major barons became increasingly difficult.[126] He was considered arrogant, and he took to referring to the earls by offensive names, including calling one of their more powerful members the "dog of Warwick".[127] The Earl of Lancaster and Gaveston's enemies refused to attend parliament in 1310 because Gaveston would be present.[128] Edward, however, was facing increasing financial problems, owing £22,000 to his Frescobaldi Italian bankers, and facing protests about how he was using his right of prises to acquire supplies for the war in Scotland.[129] Edward's attempts to raise an army for Scotland collapsed and the earls suspended the collection of the new taxes.[130]
The King and parliament met again in February 1310, and the proposed discussions of Scottish policy were replaced by debate of domestic problems.[131] Edward was petitioned to abandon Gaveston as his counselor and instead adopt the advice of 21 elected barons, termed Ordainers, who would carry out a widespread reform of both the government and the royal household.[132] Under huge pressure, Edward agreed to the proposal and the Ordainers were elected, broadly evenly split between reforms and conservatives.[133] While the Ordainers began their plans for reform, Edward and Gaveston took a new army of around 4,700 men to Scotland, where the military situation had continued to deteriorate.[134] Robert the Bruce declined to give battle and the campaign progressed ineffectually over the winter until supplies and money ran out in 1311, forcing Edward to return south.[135]
By now the Ordainers had drawn up their Ordinances for reform and Edward had little political choice but to give way and accept them in October.[136] The Ordinances of 1311 contained clauses limiting the King's right to go to war or to grant land without parliament's approval; giving parliament control over the royal administration; abolishing the system of prises; cutting out the Frescobaldi bankers; and introducing a system to monitor the adherence to the Ordinances.[137] In addition, the Ordinances exiled Gaveston once again, this time with instructions that he should not be allowed to live anywhere within Edward's lands, including Gascony and Ireland, and that he should be stripped of his titles.[138] Edward retreated to his estates at Windsor and Kings Langley, and Gaveston left England, possibly for northern France or Flanders.[139]
Mid-reign (1311-21)
Death of Gaveston
Tensions between Edward and the barons remained high, and the earls opposed to the King kept their personal armies mobilised late into 1311.[140] By now Edward had become estranged from his cousin, the Earl of Lancaster, who held the earldoms of Lancaster, Leicester, Lincoln, Salisbury and Derby, with an income of around £11,000 a year from his lands, almost double that of the next wealthiest baron.[141] Backed by the earls of Arundel, Gloucester, Hereford, Pembroke and Warwick, he led a powerful faction in England, but he was not personally interested in practical administration, nor was he a particularly imaginative or effective politician.[142]
Edward responded by revoking the Ordinances and recalling Gaveston to England, being reunited with him at York in January 1312.[143] The barons were furious and met in London, where Gaveston was excommunicated by the Archbishop of Canterbury and plans were put in place to capture Gaveston, including preventing him from fleeing to Scotland.[144] Edward, Isabella and Gaveston left for Newcastle, pursued by Lancaster and his followers.[145] Abandoning many of their belongings, the royal party fled by ship and landed at Scarborough, where Gaveston stayed on while Edward and Isabella headed south back to York.[146] After a short siege, Gaveston surrendered to the earls of Pembroke and Surrey, on the promise that he would not be harmed.[147] He had with him a huge collection of gold, silver and gems, probably part of the royal treasury, which he was later accused of having stolen from Edward.[148]
On the way back from the north, Pembroke stopped in the village of Deddington in the Midlands, putting Gaveston under guard there while he went to visit his wife.[149] The Earl of Warwick took this opportunity to seize Gaveston, taking him back to Warwick Castle, where Lancaster and the rest of his faction assembled on 18 June.[150] A show trial was carried out, and Gaveston was declared guilty of being a traitor under the terms of the Ordinances; he was executed on Blacklow Hill the following day, under the authority of the Earl of Lancaster.[151] Gaveston's body was not buried until 1315, when his funeral was held at Edward's palace in Kings Langley.[152]
Tensions with Lancaster and France
Reactions to the death of Gaveston varied considerably.[153] Edward was furious and deeply upset over what he saw as the murder of Gaveston; he made provisions for Gaveston's family, and intended to take revenge on the barons involved.[154] The earls of Pembroke and Surrey were embarrassed and angry about Warwick's actions, and shifted their support to Edward in the aftermath.[155] To Lancaster and his core of supporters, however, the execution had been both legal and necessary to preserve the stability of the kingdom.[156] Civil war was again appeared likely, but in December, the Earl of Pembroke negotiated a potential peace treaty between the two sides, which would pardon the opposition barons for the killing of Gaveston, in exchange for their support for a fresh campaign in Scotland.[157] Lancaster and Warwick, however, did not give the treaty their immediate approval, and further negotiations continued through most of 1313.[158]
Meanwhile, the Earl of Pembroke had been negotiating with France to resolve the long-standing disagreements over the administration of Gascony, and as part of this Edward and Isabella agreed to travel to Paris in June 1313 to meet with Philip IV.[159] Edward probably hoped both to resolve the problems in the south of France and to win Philip's support in the dispute with the barons, while for Philip it was an opportunity to impress his son-in-law with his power and wealth.[160] It proved a spectacular engagement, including a grand ceremony in which the two kings knighted Philip's sons and 200 other men in Notre Dame, large banquets along the River Seine and a public declaration that both kings and their queens would join a crusade to the Levant.[161] Philip gave lenient terms for settling the problems in Gascony, and the event was only spoiled by a serious fire in Edward's quarters.[162]
On his return from France, Edward found his political position greatly strengthened.[163] After much negotiation, the earls, including Lancaster and Warwick, came to a compromise in October 1313, fundamentally very similar to the draft agreement of the previous December.[164] Edward's finances improved, thanks to parliament agreeing to the raising of taxes, a loan of 160,000 florins (£25,000) from the Pope, £33,000 that he borrowed from Philip and further loans organised by Edward's new Italian banker, Antonio Pessagno.[165] For the first time in his reign, Edward's government was well-funded.[166]
Battle of Bannockburn
By 1314, Robert the Bruce had recaptured most of the castles in Scotland once held by Edward, pushing raiding parties into northern England as far as Carlisle.[167] In response, Edward planned a major military campaign with the support of Lancaster and the barons, mustering a large army between 15,000 and 20,000 strong.[168] Meanwhile, Robert had besieged Stirling Castle, a key fortification in Scotland; its English commander had stated that unless Edward arrived by 24 June, he would surrender.[167] News of this reached the King in late May, and he decided to speed up his march north from Berwick to relieve the castle.[169] Robert, with between 5,500 and 6,500 troops, predominantly spearmen, prepared to prevent Edward's forces from reaching Stirling.[170]
The battle began on 23 June as the English army attempted to force its way across the high ground of the Bannock Burn, which was surrounded by marshland.[171] Skirmishing between the two sides broke out, resulting in the death of Sir Henry de Bohun, whom Robert killed in personal combat.[171] Edward continued his advance the following day, and encountered the bulk of the Scottish army as they emerged out of the woods of New Park.[172] Edward appears not have expected the Scots to give battle here, and as a result had kept his forces in marching order, with the archers - who would usually have been used to break up enemy spear formations - at the back of his army, rather than the front.[173] His cavalry found it hard to operate in the cramped terrain and were crushed by Robert's spearmen.[174] The English army was overwhelmed and its leaders were unable to regain control.[174]
Edward stayed behind to fight, but it became obvious to the Earl of Pembroke that the battle was lost and he dragged the King away from the battlefield, hotly pursued by the Scottish forces.[175] Edward only just escaped the heavy fighting, making a vow to found a Carmelite religious house at Oxford if he survived.[175] The historian Roy Haines describes the defeat as a "calamity of stunning proportions" for the English, whose losses in the battle were huge.[176] In the aftermath of the defeat, Edward retreated to Dunbar, from where he travelled by ship to Berwick, and then back to York; in his absence, Stirling Castle quickly fell.[177]
Famine and criticism
After the fiasco of Bannockburn, the earls of Lancaster and Warwick saw their political influence increase, and they pressured Edward to re-implement the Ordinances of 1311.[178] Lancaster became the head of the royal council in 1316, promising to take forward the Ordinances through a new reform commission, but appears to have abandoned this role soon afterwards, partially because of disagreements with the other barons, and possibly because of ill-health.[179] Lancaster refused to meet with Edward in parliament for the next two years, bringing effective governance to a standstill, stymieing hopes for a fresh campaign into Scotland and raising fears of civil war.[180] After much negotiation, once again involving the Earl of Pembroke, Edward and Lancaster finally agreed the Treaty of Leake in August 1318, which pardoned Lancaster and his faction and established a new royal council, temporarily averting conflict.[181]
Edward's difficulties were exacerbated by prolonged problems in English agriculture, part of a wider phenomenon in northern Europe known as the Great Famine. The famine began with torrential rains in late 1314, followed by a very cold winter and bad rains the following the spring, killing many sheep and cattle in 1315; the bad weather continued, almost unabated, through into 1321, resulting in a string of bad harvests.[182] Revenues from the exports of wool plummeted and the price of food rose, despite attempts by Edward II's government to control prices.[183] Edward called for hoarders to release food, and tried to encourage both internal trade and the importation of grain, but with little success.[184]
Meanwhile, Robert the Bruce exploited his victory at Bannockburn to raid northern England, initially attacking Carlisle and Berwick, and then reaching further south into Yorkshire and Lancashire, threatening York itself.[185] Edward undertook an expensive but unsuccessful campaign to stem the advance in 1319, and the famine made it increasingly difficult to keep his garrisons supplied with food.[186] Meanwhile, a Scottish expedition led by Robert's brother, Edward, was sent to invade Ireland in 1315, where he declared himself the King of Ireland.[187] He was finally defeated in 1318 by Edward II's Irish justiciar, Edmund Butler, at the Battle of Faughart, and his decapitated head was sent back to Edward.[188] Revolts also broke out in Lancashire and Bristol in 1315, and in Glamorgan in Wales in 1316, but were suppressed.[189]
Complaints about Edward began to grow, many focusing on Edward's "improper" interest in rural pursuits.[190] In 1318, a mentally-ill man named John of Powderham appeared in Oxford, claiming that he was the real Edward II, and that Edward was a changeling, swapped at birth.[191] John was duly executed, but his claims resonated with those criticizing Edward for his lack of regal behaviour and steady leadership.[192] Opposition also grew around Edward's treatment of his royal favourites.[193] He had managed to retain some of his previous advisors, despite attempts by the Ordainers to remove them, and divided the extensive de Clare inheritance among two of his new favourites, the former household knights Hugh Audley and Roger Damory, instantly making them extremely rich.[194][nb 12] Many of the moderates who had helped deliver the peaceful compromise in 1318 now began to turn against Edward, making violence ever more likely.[196]
Later reign (1321-26)
The Despenser War
Civil war finally broke out in England in 1321.[197] The trigger for the conflict was the tension between many of the barons and the Despenser family, which had been growing for several years.[198] Hugh Despenser the Elder had served both Edward and his father, while Hugh Despenser the Younger, had married into the wealthy de Clare family, become the King's chamberlain, and acquired Glamorgan in the Welsh Marches in 1317.[199] Hugh the Younger had then begun to expand his holdings and power across Wales, mainly at the expense of the other Marcher Lords.[200] The Earl of Lancaster and the Despensers were fierce enemies, and Lancaster's antipathy was shared by most the Despensers' neighbours, including the Earl of Hereford, the Mortimer family and the recently elevated Hugh Audley and Roger Damory.[201] Edward, however, increasingly relied upon the Despensers for advice and support, and he was particularly close to Hugh the Younger, whom one chronicler noted he "loved...dearly with all his heart and mind".[202]
In early 1321, Lancaster mobilised a coalition of the Despensers' enemies across the Marcher territories.[203] Edward and Hugh the Younger became aware of these plans in March and marched west, hoping that negotiations led by the moderate Earl of Pembroke would defuse the crisis.[204] This time, however, Pembroke made his excuses and declined to intervene, and war broke out in May.[205] The Despensers' lands were quickly seized by a coalition of the Marcher Lords and the local gentry, and Lancaster held a high-level gathering of the barons and clergy in June which condemned the Despensers for having broken the Ordinances.[206] Edward attempted reconciliation, but in July the opposition occupied London and called for the permanent removal of the Despensers.[207] Fearing that he might be deposed if he refused, Edward agreed to exile the Despensers and pardoned the Marcher Lords for their actions.[208]
Edward began to plan his revenge.[209] With the help of Pembroke, the King formed a small coalition of his half-brothers, a few of the earls and some of the senior clergy, and prepared for war.[210] Edward first decided to attack Bartholomew of Badlesmere, and Isabella was sent to Leeds Castle to deliberately create a casus belli.[211] Bartholomew's wife, Margaret took the bait and her men killed several of Isabella's retinue, giving Edward an excuse to intervene.[211] Lancaster refused to help Bartholomew, who was his personal enemy, and Edward was therefore quickly able to retake control of south-east England.[212] Alarmed, Lancaster now mobilised his own army in the north of England, and Edward mustered his own forces in the south-west.[213] The Despensers arrived back from exile and were pardoned by the royal council.[214]
In December, Edward led his army across the River Severn and advanced into the Welsh Marches, where the opposition forces had gathered.[215] The coalition of Marcher Lords began to crumble and the Mortimers surrendered to the King.[216] Damory, Audley and the Earl of Hereford marched north in January to join Lancaster, who had begun to besiege the King's castle at Tickhill.[217] Bolstered by fresh reinforcements, Edward pursued them and met Lancaster's army on 10 March at Burton-on-Trent, but Lancaster, out-numbered, retreated without a fight.[217] Fleeing further north, Lancaster was cornered by an army under the command of Andrew Harclay at Boroughbridge, and captured.[218] Edward and Hugh the Younger met Lancaster at Pontefract, where, after a summary trial, the earl was found guilty of treason and beheaded.[219]
Edward and the Despensers
Edward punished Lancaster's supporters through a system of special courts across the country, with the judges instructed in advance how to sentence the accused, who were not allowed to speak in their own defence.[220] Many of these so-called "Contrariants" were simply executed, others were imprisoned or fined, with their lands seized and their surviving relatives detained.[221] The Earl of Pembroke, whom Edward now mistrusted, was arrested and only released after pledging all of his possessions as collateral.[222] Edward was able to reward his loyal supporters with the confiscated estates, especially the Despenser family who were given new titles and extensive grants of land.[223] The fines and confiscations made Edward rich: almost £15,000 was brought in the first few months, and by 1326, Edward's treasury contained £62,000.[224] A parliament was held at York in March 1322, at which the Ordinances were formally revoked through the Statute of York, and fresh taxes agreed for a new campaign against the Scots.[225]
The English campaign against Scotland was planned on a massive scale, with a force of around 23,350 men.[226] Edward advanced through Lothian towards Edinburgh, but Robert the Bruce declined to meet him in battle, the plans to resupply the campaign by sea failed, and the large army rapidly ran out of food.[226] Edward was forced to retreat south of the border, pursued by Scottish raiding parties.[226] Edward's illegitimate son, Adam, died during the campaign, and the raiding parties almost captured Isabella, who was staying at Tynemouth and was forced to flee by sea.[227] The King planned a fresh campaign, backed by a round of further taxes, but confidence in Edward's Scottish policy was diminishing.[228] Andrew Harclay, recently made the Earl of Carlisle, independently negotiated a peace treaty with Robert the Bruce, proposing that Edward would recognise Robert as the King of Scotland and that, in return, Robert would cease to interfere in England.[229] Edward was furious and immediately executed Harclay, but went on to agree a thirteen year truce with Robert.[230]
Hugh Despenser the Younger lived and ruled in a grand style, playing a leading role in Edward's government, and executing policy through a wide network of family retainers.[231] Supported by Robert Baldock and Walter Stapledon, Edward's chancellor and lord treasurer, the Despensers accumulated land and wealth, using their position in government to provide superficial cover for what historian Seymour Phillips describes as "the reality of fraud, threats of violence and abuse of legal procedure".[232] Meanwhile, Edward faced growing opposition. Miracles were reported around the late Earl of Lancaster's tomb, and at the gallows used to execute members of the opposition in Bristol.[233] Law and order began to break down, encouraged by the chaos caused by the seizure of lands.[234] An attempt was made to free the prisoners Edward was holding in Wallingford Castle, and Roger Mortimer, one of the most prominent of the imprisoned Marcher Lords, escaped from the Tower of London and fled to France.[235]
War with France
Edward's problems over the Duchy of Gascony and its troubled relationship to the Kingdom of France, flared into open war in 1324.[236] Charles IV had become King of France in 1322, and was more aggressive than his predecessors.[237] In 1323 he insisted that Edward must come to Paris to give homage for Gascony, and became firmer about French officials in the Duchy executing their authority fully.[238] Matters came to a head in October when a group of soldiers hanged a French sergeant for attempting to build a new fortified town in the Agenais, a sensitive part of the Gascon border.[239] Edward denied any responsibility for this incident, but relations between Edward and Charles began to sour.[240] In 1324 Edward dispatched the Earl of Pembroke to Paris to broker a solution, but he died suddenly of an illness along the way; Charles mobilised his army and ordered the invasion of Gascony.[241]
Edward's forces in Gascony were around 4,400 strong, but the French army, commanded by Charles of Valois, numbered 7,000.[242] Valois took the Agenais and then advanced further and cut off the main city of Bordeaux.[242] In response, Edward ordered the arrest of any French in England, and seized Isabella's lands, on the basis that she was of French origin.[243] In November he met with the earls and the English Church, who recommended that Edward should lead a force of 11,000 men to Gascony.[244] In the event, Edward decided not to go personally, sending the John de Warenne, the Earl of Surrey, instead.[245] Meanwhile Edward opened up fresh negotiations with the French.[246] Charles IV put forward various proposals, the most tempting of which was the suggestion that if Isabella and Prince Edward were to travel to Paris, and the Prince was to give homage to the French King for Gascony, he would terminate the war and return the Agenais.[247] Edward and his advisers had concerns about sending the prince to France, but agreed to send Isabella on her own as an envoy in March 1325.[248]
Fall from power (1326-27)
Rift with Isabella
Up until 1322, Edward and Isabella's marriage appears to have been broadly successful, but by the time that the Queen left for France in 1325 it had deteriorated considerably.[249] Isabella appears to have disliked Hugh Despenser the Younger intensely, not least because of his abuse of high-status women.[250] Isabella had been embarrassed to have had to flee from Scottish armies three times during her marriage to Edward, and she blamed Hugh for the final occurrence in 1322.[251] When Edward had negotiated the recent truce with Robert the Bruce, he had severely disadvantaged a range of noble families who owned land in Scotland, including the Beaumonts, close friends of Isabella's.[252] She was also angry about the arrest of her household and seizure of her lands in 1324, and that Edward confiscated her children and given the custody of them to Hugh's wife.[253]
Isabella and Edward's envoys carried out negotiations with the French in late March.[254] The negotiations proved difficult, and the peace settlement was agreed only after Isabella personally intervened with her brother, Charles IV.[254] The terms favoured the French crown: in particular Edward would have to give homage in person to Charles for Gascony.[255] Concerned about the consequences of war breaking out once again, Edward agreed to the treaty but decided to give Gascony to his son, Edward, and, rather than risking travelling himself, send the prince to give homage in Paris instead.[256] Prince Edward crossed the English Channel and completed the bargain in September.[257][nb 13]
Edward now expected Isabella and their son to return to England, but instead she remained in France and showed no intention of making her way back.[259] By February 1326, it was clear that Isabella was involved in a relationship, probably sexual, with the exiled Marcher Lord, Roger Mortimer.[260] It is unclear when Isabella first met Mortimer or when their relationship began, but they both wanted to see Edward and the Despensers removed from power.[261][nb 14] The King appealed for his son to return, and for Charles IV to intervene on his behalf, but this had no effect.[263]
Opponents of Edward began to gather around Isabella and Mortimer in Paris, and Edward became increasingly anxious about the possibility that Mortimer might invade England.[264] Isabella and Mortimer turned to William, the Count of Hainaut, and proposed a marriage between Prince Edward and William's daughter, Philippa.[265] In return for the advantageous alliance with the English heir to the throne, and a sizeable dower for the bride, William offered up 132 transport vessels and 8 warships to assist in the invasion of England.[266] Prince Edward and Philippa were betrothed on 27 August, and Isabella and Mortimer prepared for their campaign.[267]
Invasion
During August and September 1326 Edward mobilised his defences along the coasts of England to protect against the possibility of an invasion ether by France, or by Roger Mortimer.[269] Fleets were gathered at the ports of Portsmouth in the south, and Orwell on the east coast, and a raiding force of 1,600 men was sent across the English Channel into Normandy as a diversionary attack.[270] Edward issued a nationalistic appeal for his subjects to defend the kingdom, but with little impact.[271] The regime's hold on power at the local level was fragile, the Despensers were widely disliked and many of those Edward entrusted with the defence of the kingdom proved incompetent, or promptly turned against the regime.[272] Some 2,000 men were ordered to gathered at Orwell to repel any invasion, but only 55 appear to have actually arrived.[273]
Roger Mortimer and Isabella, accompanied by Edward's half-brother Edmund of Woodstock, landed in Orwell on 24 September with a small force of men and met with no resistance.[274] Instead enemies of the Despensers moved rapidly to join them, including Edward's other half-brother, Thomas of Brotherton, Henry of Lancaster and a range of senior clergy.[275] Edward was staying in the Tower of London, a secure fortress, but, despite his attempts to garner support from within the capital, the city of London began to rise up against his government, and on 2 October the King left London, taking the Despensers with him.[276] London descended into anarchy, as mobs attacked Edward's remaining officials and associates, killing Walter Stapeldon in St Paul's Cathedral, and taking the Tower of London and releasing the prisoners inside.[277]
Edward continued west up the Thames Valley, reaching Gloucester between 9 and 12 October, hoping to reach Wales and from there mobilise an army against the invaders.[278] Mortimer and Isabella were not far behind, however, gathering support and issuing proclamations condemning the Despensers' recent regime.[279] Edward and the younger Despenser crossed over the border and set sail from Chepstow, probably ultimately aiming first for Lundy and then for Ireland, where the King hoped to receive refuge and raise a fresh army.[280] Bad weather drove them back, and they landed at Cardiff, from where Edward retreated to Caerphilly Castle and attempted to rally his remaining forces.[281]
Edward's authority collapsed in England where, in the King's absence, Isabella's faction took over the administration with the support of the Church.[282] Her forces surrounded Bristol, where Hugh Despenser the Elder had taken shelter; he surrendered and was promptly executed.[283] Edward and Despenser fled their castle around the 2 November, leaving behind jewellery, considerable supplies and at least £13,000 in cash, possibly once again hoping to reach Ireland, but on 16 November they were betrayed and captured by a search party north of Caerphilly.[284] Edward was escorted first to Monmouth Castle, and from there back into England, where he was held at Henry of Lancaster's fortress at Kenilworth.[285] The King's final remaining forces, by now besieged in Caerphilly Castle, surrendered in the April of the following year.[286]
Abdication
Isabella and Mortimer rapidly took revenge on the former regime. Hugh Despenser the Younger was put on trial, declared a traitor and sentenced to be drawn, disembowelled, castrated and quartered; he was duly executed on 24 November.[287] Edward's former chancellor, Robert Baldock, died in Fleet Prison; the Earl of Arundel was beheaded.[288] Edward's own position, however, was problematic; he was still married to Isabella and in principle he remained the king, but most of the new administration had a lot to lose were he to be released and potentially regain power.[289]
There was no established procedure, however, for removing an English king.[290] Adam Orleton, the Bishop of Hereford, made a series of public allegations about Edward's conduct as king, and in January 1327 a parliament was called at Westminster, at which the question of Edward's future was raised; Edward refused to attend the gathering.[291] The parliament was initially ambivalent, but the London crowds weighed in, calling for Prince Edward to take the throne, and on 12 January the leading barons and clergy drew up an agreement that Edward II should be removed and replaced by his son.[292] The following day it was presented to an assembly of the barons, where it was argued that Edward's weak leadership and personal faults had led the kingdom into disaster, and that he was incompetent to lead the country.[293]
Shortly after this, a representative delegation of barons, clergy and knights was sent to Kenilworth to speak to the King.[294] On 20 January, Henry of Lancaster and the bishops of Winchester and Lincoln met privately with Edward in the castle.[295] They informed Edward that if he were to resign as monarch, his son Prince Edward would succeed him, but if he failed to do so, his son might be disinherited as well, and the crown given to an alternative candidate.[296] In tears, Edward agreed to abdicate, and on 21 January Sir William Trussel, representing the kingdom as a whole, withdrew his homage and formally ended Edward's reign.[297] A proclamation was sent to London, announcing that Edward, now known just as Edward of Caernarvon, had freely resigned his kingdom and that Prince Edward would succeed him - the coronation took place at Westminster Abbey on 2 February.[298]
Death (1327)
Death and aftermath
Those opposed to the new government began to make plans to free Edward, and Roger Mortimer therefore decided to move Edward to the more secure location of Berkeley Castle in Gloucestershire, where the former King arrived around 5 April 1327.[299] Once at the castle, Edward was kept in the custody of Mortimer's brother-in-law, Thomas Berkeley, and John Maltravers, who were given £5 a day for Edward's maintenance.[300] It is unclear how well cared for Edward was; the records show luxury goods being bought on his behalf, but some chroniclers suggest that he was often mistreated.[300] A poem, the Lament of Edward II, was once thought to have been written by Edward during his imprisonment, although modern scholarship has cast doubt on this.[301][nb 15]
Concerns continued to be raised over fresh plots to liberate the former King, some involving the Dominican order and former household knights, and one such attempt got at least as far as breaking into the prison within the castle.[302] As a result of these threat, Edward was moved around other locations in secret for a period, before returning to permanent custody at the castle in the late summer of 1327.[303] The political situation remained unstable, and new plots appear to have emerged to free him.[304]
On 23 September Edward III was informed that his father had died at Berkeley Castle during the night of 21 September.[305] Most historians agree that Edward II did die at Berkeley on that date, although there is a minority view, described below, that he died much later.[306][nb 16] Edward's death was, as Mark Ormrod notes, "suspiciously timely", as it simplified Mortimer's political problems considerably, and most historians believe that Edward probably was murdered on the orders of the new regime, although it is impossible to be certain.[307] Several of the individuals suspected to have been involved the death, including Sir Thomas Gurney, Maltravers and William Ockley, later fled.[308][nb 17] If Edward did die from natural causes, his death may have been hastened by depression following his imprisonment.[310]
The rule of Isabella and Mortimer did not last long after the announcement of Edward's death. They made peace with the Scots in the Treaty of Northampton, but this move was highly unpopular.[311] Isabella and Mortimer both amassed, and spent, great wealth, and criticism of them mounted.[312] Relations between Mortimer and the young Edward III became strained and in 1330 the King conducted a coup d'état at Nottingham Castle.[313] He arrested Mortimer and then executed him on fourteen charges of treason, including the murder of Edward II.[314] Edward III's government sought to blame Mortimer for all of the recent problems, effectively politically rehabilitating the late King.[315] The King spared Isabella, giving her a generous allowance, and she soon returned to public life.[316]
Burial and cult
Edward's body was embalmed at Berkeley Castle, where it was viewed by local leaders from Bristol and Gloucester.[317] It was then taken to Gloucester Abbey on 21 October, and on 20 December Edward was buried by the high altar, the funeral having probably been delayed in order to allow Edward III to attend in person.[318][nb 18] Gloucester was probably chosen because other abbeys had refused or been forbidden to take the King's body, and because it was close to Berkeley.[320][nb 19] The funeral was a grand affair and cost £351 in total, complete with gilt lions, standards painted with gold leaf and oak barriers to manage the anticipated crowds.[322] Edward III's government probably hoped to put a veneer of normality over the recent political events, increasing the legitimacy of the young King's own reign.[323]
A temporary wooden effigy with a copper crown was made for the funeral; this is the known use of a funeral effigy in England, and was probably necessary because of the condition of the King's body, who had died three months before.[324] Edward's heart was removed, placed in a silver container, and later buried with Isabella at Newgate Church in London.[325] His tomb includes a very early example of an English alabaster effigy, with a tomb-chest and a canopy made of oolite and Purbeck stone.[326] Edward was buried in the shirt, coif and gloves from his coronation, and his effigy depicts him as king, holding a sceptre and orb, and wearing a strawberry-leaf crown.[327] The effigy features a pronounced lower lip, and may be a close likeness of Edward.[328][nb 20]
The King's tomb rapidly became a popular site for visitors, probably encouraged by the local monks, who lacked an existing pilgrim attraction.[330] They gave extensively to the abbey, allowing it to rebuild much of the surrounding church in the 1330s.[331] Miracles reportedly took place at the tomb, and modifications had to be made to enable visitors to walk around it in larger numbers.[332] The chronicler Geoffrey de Baker depicted Edward as a saintly, tortured martyr and Richard II gave royal support for an unsuccessful bid to have Edward canonised in 1395.[333] The tomb was opened by officials in 1855, uncovering a wooden coffin, still in good condition, and a sealed lead coffin inside it.[334] The tomb remains in what is now Gloucester Cathedral, and was extensively restored between 2007 and 2008 at a cost of over £100,000.[335]
Controversies
Rumours and controversy rapidly surrounded Edward's death.[336] With Mortimer's execution in 1330, rumours began to circulate that Edward had been murdered at Berkeley Castle. Later in the century, chroniclers suggested that he was suffocated and killed by the insertion of a red-hot iron or poker into his anus, and in the mid-1430s, this story was widely circulated through the Brut chronicle.[337] It became incorporated into most later histories of Edward, typically being linked to his possible homosexuality. Modern historians have dismissed this account of Edward's death; the historian Michael Prestwich, for example, states that most of this story "belongs to the world of romance rather than of history".[338]
Another set of controversial theories surround the possibility that Edward did not really die in 1327. These theories typically involve the "Fieschi Letter", sent to Edward III by an Italian priest called Manuel Fieschi, who claimed that Edward escaped Berkeley Castle in 1327 with the help of a servant, and ultimately retired to become a hermit in the Holy Roman Empire.[339] The body buried at Gloucester Cathedral was said to be that of the porter of Berkeley Castle, killed by the assassins and presented by them to Isabella as Edward's corpse to avoid punishment.[340] The letter is often linked to an account of Edward III meeting with a man called William the Welshman in Antwerp in 1338, who claimed to be Edward II.[341]
Some parts of the letter's content are considered broadly accurate by historians, although other aspects of its account have been criticised as implausible.[342] A few historians, however, have supported versions of its narrative. The historian Paul Doherty questions the veracity of the letter and the identity of William the Welshman, but nonetheless has suspicions that Edward may have survived his imprisonment.[343] The popular historian Alison Weir believes the events in the letter to be essentially true, using the letter to argue that Isabella was innocent of having murdering Edward.[344] The historian Ian Mortimer suggests that the story in Fieschi's letter is broadly accurate, but argues that it was in fact Mortimer and Isabella who had Edward secretly released, and who then faked his death, a fiction later maintained by Edward III when he came to power.[345] Ian Mortimer's account was critiqued by most scholars when it was first published, in particular by historian David Carpenter.[346][nb 21]
Edward as king
Kingship, government and law
Edward was ultimately a failure as a king; the historian Michael Prestwich observes that he "was lazy and incompetent, liable to outbursts of temper over unimportant issues, yet indecisive when it came to major issues", echoed by Roy Haines' description of Edward as "incompetent and vicious", and as "no man of business".[348] Edward did not just delegate routine government to his subordinates, but also higher level decision making, and Pierre Chaplais argues that he "was not so much an incompetent king as a reluctant one", preferring to rule through a powerful deputy, such as Piers Gaveston or Hugh Despenser the Younger.[349] Edward's willingness to promote his favourites had serious political consequences, although he also attempted to buy the loyalty of a wider grouping of nobles through grants of money and fees.[350] Edward could take a keen interest in the minutiae of administration, however, and on occasion engaged in the details of a wide range of issues across England and his wider domains.[351]
One of Edward's persistent challenges through most of his reign was a shortage of money; of the debts he inherited from his father, around £60,000 was still owing in the 1320s.[352] The King worked his way through a large number of treasurers and other financial officials, few of whom stayed long, and exploited often unpopular tax revenues, prises and taking out loans, first through the Frescobaldi family, and then through his banker Antonio Pessagno.[353] Edward took a strong interest in financial matters towards the end of his reign, distrusting his own officials and attempting to increase revenues directly, while cutting back on the expenses of his own household.[354]
Edward was responsible for implementing royal justice through his network of judges and officials.[355] It is uncertain to what extent Edward took a personal interest in dispensing justice, but he appears to have involved himself to some degree during the first part of his reign, and to have increasingly intervened in person after 1322.[356] Edward made extensive use of Roman civil law during his reign when arguing in defence of his causes and favourites, which may have attracted criticism from those who perceived this as abandoning older principles of the English Common Law.[357] Edward was also criticised from contemporaries for allowing the Despensers to exploit the royal justice system for their own ends; the Despensers certainly appear to have abused the system, although how just widely they did so is unclear.[358] Amid the political turbulence, armed gangs and violence spread across England under Edward's reign, destabilising the position of many of the local gentry; much of Ireland similarly disintegrated into anarchy.[359]
Parliament grew in importance under Edward as a means of making political decisions and answering petitions, although as the historian Claire Valente notes, the gatherings were "still as much an event as an institution".[360] After 1311, parliament began to include both the barons, and the representatives of the knights and burgesses: the latter grouping would in later years be termed the "commons".[361] Although parliament often opposed raising fresh taxes, active opposition to Edward came largely from the barons, rather than parliament itself, although the barons did seek to use parliaments as a way of giving legitimacy to their long-standing political demands.[362] After resisting it for many years, Edward intervened increasing in Parliament in the second half of his reign to achieve his own political aims.[363] It remains unclear, however, whether Edward was deposed in 1327 by a formal gathering of parliament or simply a gathering of the political classes alongside an existing parliament.[364]
Court
Edward's royal court was itinerant, travelling around the country with the King.[365] When housed in Westminster Palace, the court occupied a complex of two halls, seven chambers and three chapels, along with other smaller rooms, but, due to the Scottish conflict, the court spent much of its time in Yorkshire and Northumbria.[366] At the heart of the court was Edward's royal household, in turn divided into the "hall" and the "chamber"; the size of the household varied over time, but in 1317 was around 500 strong, including household knights, squires, kitchen and transport staff.[367] The household was surrounded by a wider group of courtiers, and appears to have also attracted a circle of prostitutes and criminal elements.[368]
Music and minstrels were very popular at Edward's court, but hunting appears to have been a much less important activity, and there was little emphasis on chivalric events.[369] Edward was interested in buildings and paintings, but less so in literary works, which were not extensively sponsored at court.[370] There was an extensive use of gold and silver plates, jewels and enameling at court, which would have been richly decorated.[371][nb 22] Edward kept a camel as a pet and, as a young man, took a lion with him on campaign to Scotland.[372] The court could be entertained in exotic ways: in 1312, Edward's court was entertained by an Italian snake-charmer, and the following year by 54 nude French dancers.[373][nb 23]
Religion
Edward's approach to religion was normal for the period, and the historian Michael Prestwich describes him as "a man of wholly conventional religious attitudes".[375] There were daily chapel services and alms-giving at his court, and Edward blessed the sick, although he did this less often than his predecessors.[375] Edward remained close to the Dominican order who had helped to educate him, and followed their advice in asking for papal permission to be anointed with the Holy Oil of St Thomas of Canterbury in 1319; this request was refused, causing the King some embarrassment.[376] Edward supported the expansion of the universities during his reign, establishing King's Hall in Cambridge to promote training in religious and civil law, Oriel College in Oxford and a short-lived university in Dublin.[377]
Edward enjoyed a good relationship with the Pope Clement X, despite the King intervening repeatedly in the operation of the English Church, including punishing bishops with whom he disagreed.[378] With the support of Clement, Edward attempted to gain the financial support of the English Church for his military campaigns in Scotland, including taxation and borrowing money against the funds gathered for the crusades.[379] The English Church did relatively little to influence or moderate Edward's behaviour during his reign, possibly because of the bishops' concerns for their own self-interest and protection.[380]
Pope John XXII was elected in 1316, seeking Edward's support for a new crusade, and was therefore also inclined to support him politically.[381] In 1317, in exchange for papal support in his war with Scotland, Edward agreed to recommence paying the annual tribute to the Papacy which had been first agreed by King John in 1213; Edward soon ceased the payments, however, and the King never offered up homage, another part of the 1213 agreement.[382] In 1325 Edward asked John to instruct the Irish Church to openly preach in favour of his right to rule the island, and to threaten to excommunicate any contrary voices.[383]
Legacy
Historiography
No chronicler for this period is entirely trustworthy or unbiased, often because their accounts were written to support a particular cause, but it is clear that most contemporary chroniclers were highly critical of Edward.[384] The Polychronicon, Vita Edwardi Secundi, Vita et Mors Edwardi Secundi and the Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvon for example, all condemned the King's personality, habits and choice of companions.[385] Other records from his reign show criticism of Edward by his contemporaries, including the Church and members of his own household.[386] Political songs were written about him, complaining about his failure in war and his oppressive government.[387] Later in the 14th century, some chroniclers, such as Geoffrey le Baker and Thomas Ringstead, rehabilitated Edward, presenting him as a martyr and a potential saint, although this tradition died out in later years.[388]
Historians in the 16th and 17th centuries focused on Edward's relationship with Gaveston, drawing comparisons between Edward's reign and the events surrounding the relationship of the Duc d'Epernon and Henry III of France, and between the Duke of Buckingham and Charles I.[389] In the first half of the 19th century, popular historians such as Charles Dickens and Charles Knight popularised Edward's life with the Victorian public, focusing on the King's relationship with his favourites and, increasingly, alluding to his possible homosexuality.[390] From the 1870s onwards, however, open academic discussion of Edward's sexuality was circumscribed by changing English values, and by the start of the 20th century, English schools were being advised by the government to avoid overt discussion of Edward's personal relationships in history lessons.[391] Views on Edward's sexuality have continued to develop over the years.[392]
By the end of the 19th century, more administrative records from the period had become available to historians such as William Stubbs, Thomas Tout and J. C. Davies, who focused on the development of the English constitutional and governmental system during his reign.[393] Although critical of what they regarded as Edward's inadequacies as a king, they also emphasised the growth of the role of parliament and the reduction in personal royal authority under Edward II, which they perceived as positive developments.[394] During the 1970s the historiography of Edward's reign shifted away from this model, supported by the further publishing of records from the period in the last quarter of the 20th century.[393] The work of Jeffrey Denton, Jeffrey Hamilton, John Maddicott and Seymour Phillips, re-focused attention on the role of the individual leaders in the conflicts.[395] With the exceptions of Hilda Johnstone's work on Edward's younger life, and Natalie Fryde's study of Edward's final years, however, the focus of the major historical studies for several years was on the leading magnates rather than Edward himself, until substantial biographies of the King were published by Roy Haines and Seymour Phillips in 2003 and 2011.[396]
Popular culture
Several plays have shaped Edward's contemporary image.[397] Christopher Marlowe's play Edward II was first performed around 1592, and focuses on Edward's relationship with Piers Gaveston, reflecting 16th-century concerns about the relationships between monarchs and their favourites.[398] Marlowe presents Edward's death as a murder, drawing parallels between the killing and martyrdom; although Marlowe does not describe the actual nature of Edward's murder in the script, it has usually been performed following the tradition that Edward was killed with a red-hot poker.[399] The character of Edward in the play, who has been likened to Marlowe's contemporaries James I of Scotland and Henry III of France, may have influenced William Shakespeare's portrayal of Richard II.[400] In the 17th century, the playwright Ben Jonson picked up the same theme for his unfinished work, Mortimer His Fall.[401]
The filmmaker Derek Jarman adapted the Marlowe play into a film in 1992, creating a postmodern pastiche of the original, depicting Edward as a strong, explicitly homosexual leader, ultimately overcome by powerful enemies.[402] In Jarman's version, Edward finally escapes captivity, following the tradition in the Fieschi letter.[403] Edward's current popular image was also shaped by his contrasting portrayal in Mel Gibson's 1995 film Braveheart, where he is portrayed as weak and implicitly homosexual, wearing silk clothes and heavy makeup, shunning the company of women and incapable of dealing militarily with the Scots.[404] The film received extensive criticism, both for its historical inaccuracies and for its negative portrayal of homosexuality.[405]
Edward's life has also been used in a wide variety of other media. The director David Bintley used Marlowe's play as the basis for the ballet Edward II, first performed in 1995; the music from the ballet forms apart of composer John McCabe's symphony Edward II, produced in 2000.[397] Novels such as John Penford's 1984 The Gascon and Chris Hunt's 1992 Gaveston have focused on the sexual aspects of Edward and Gaveston's relationship, while Stephanie Merritt's 2002 Gaveston transports the story into the 20th century.[397] Marcus Stone's painting Edward II and Piers Gaveston strongly hinted at a homosexual relationship between the pair, while avoiding making this aspect explicit; it was initially shown at the Royal Academy in 1872, but was marginalised in later decades as the issue of homosexuality became more sensitive.[406]
Issue
Edward II had four children with Isabella:[407]
- Edward III of England (13 November 1312 – 21 June 1377). Married Philippa of Hainault on 24 January 1328 and had issue.
- John of Eltham (15 August 1316 – 13 September 1336). Never married. No issue.
- Eleanor of Woodstock (18 June 1318 – 22 April 1355). Married Reinoud II of Guelders in May 1332 and had issue.
- Joan of The Tower (5 July 1321 – 7 September 1362). Married David II of Scotland on 17 July 1328 and became Queen of Scots, but had no issue.
Edward had also fathered the illegitimate Adam FitzRoy (c. 1307 - 1322), who accompanied his father in the Scottish campaigns of 1322 and died shortly afterwards.[408]
Ancestry
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See also
- History of same sex relationships, specifically the note on historiographical considerations
Notes
- ^ It is impossible to accurate covert sums of medieval money into modern incomes and prices. For comparison, it cost Edward's father, Edward I, around £15,000 to build the castle and town walls of Conwy, while the annual income of a 14th-century nobleman such as Richard le Scrope was around £600 a year.[11]
- ^ Earlier histories of Edward II considered him to be poorly educated, principally because he took his coronation oath in French, rather than Latin, and because of his interest in agricultural crafts. His use of French at his coronation is no longer interpreted in this fashion, but there is little other evidence to show to what extent Edward was educated. The links drawn between an interest in crafts and low intelligence are no longer considered accurate.[24]
- ^ The historian Seymour Phillips considers it more probable Edward possessed some Latin; Roy Haines is less convinced.[26]
- ^ Earlier historical accounts of Edward have suggested that his childhood was marred by a lack of contact with his family and an absence of familial affection, influencing his later personality and problems; although his father Edward I, is still considered to have been an "irascible and demanding" figure, Edward's childhood is no longer felt to have been unusual for the period, or particularly isolated.[28]
- ^ The historian Seymour Phillips notes, however, that there is relatively little hard evidence to support the statements made by contemporaries about Edward's enjoyment of rural past-times.[37]
- ^ Edward II faced criticism from contemporaries for favouring Gaveston above his half-brothers, although detailed research by Alison Marshall shows more generosity, Marshall arguing that "for once", Edward was criticised unfairly.[47]
- ^ The English 1306 campaign in Scotland was brutal, and the chronicler William Rishanger held Prince Edward responsible for savage attacks on the local population; the historian Seymour Phillips has noted that many of Rishanger's other details, however, are incorrect, and casts doubt on the chronicle's more extreme statements.[61]
- ^ John Boswell puts forward one of the most prominent arguments in favour of Edward and Gaveston having been homosexual lovers. Jeffrey Hamilton supports that the relationship was sexual, but that it was probably not overtly so. The historian Michael Prestwich is sympathetic to the argument that Edward and Gaveston had entered into a bond of adoptive brotherhood, but with a "sexual element" to both this and Edward's relationship with Despenser; Roy Haines echoes Prestwich's judgements; Miri Rubin argues in favour of their being friends, with a "very intense working relationship"; Seymour Phillips believes it most likely that Edward regarded Gaveston as his adoptive brother.[70]
- ^ The story that Edward I had asked his son to swear to boil his body, bury the flesh and take bones on campaign in Scotland was a later invention.[88]
- ^ Despite Edward appointing Piers Gaveston as the Earl of Cornwall in 1307, Edward's chancery declined to recognise him as such until 1309.[90]
- ^ It is unclear who wrote this part of the coronation oath, or what their intentions where. Historical discussions over the coronation oath have included debate over the tense of the Latin phrase aura eslau, which would change the meaning of the oath from referring to future legislation, to a retrospective statement about respecting existing laws and customs. It is also uncertain to what extent any changes in the coronation oath were driven by wider political disagreements between Edward and the barons, or were specifically focused over concerns with Gaveston's position.[105]
- ^ The de Clare inheritance had belonged to Gilbert de Clare, the late Earl of Gloucester, who died fighting at Bannockburn. The estates were divided up among his three sisters, one of whom was already married to Hugh Despenser the Younger.[195]
- ^ Edward's lawyers put forward various arguments in the dispute with the French kings. One line of argument stemmed from the 1259 treaty agreed by Edward's grand-father, Henry III, under which Henry had agreed to give homage for Gascony; Edward's laywers observed that this treaty, which underpinned Edward's 1303 treaty with France, had been a bilateral agreement between the two kings, rather than a conventional feudal agreement. As such, Edward's offering homage for Gascony was dependent on the French crown delivering on its own commitments, rather than an absolute duty. Edward's lawyers also argued that Isabella had a potential claim to the lands in the south under customary French law. When granting Gascony to Isabella, Phillip IV appeared to have been divided up his lands, as was customary at the time, rather than giving a conditional grant, which meant that Gascony was an allod, Edward's personal property, and as such not subject to the French King's laws on the carrying of weapons or money.[258]
- ^ It is uncertain when Isabella first met Mortimer, or when they formed a relationship. Historian Roy Haines stresses the lack of evidence for any earlier relationship, while Paul Doherty argues that there is no evidence for them having been closely involved before December 1325, although he suspects that they may have been friends by 1323. While agreeing that there is no documentary evidence available, Ian Mortimer takes a more radical perspective, arguing that Isabella and Mortimer met much earlier, and that Isabella helped Mortimer escape from the Tower of London in 1323.[262]
- ^ For a sceptical comment, see Vivian Galbraith; May McKisack reserved judgement, noting that "if he was indeed the author of the Anglo-Norman lament ascribed to him, he knew something of versification;" M. Smallwood feels that "the authorship question has not been settled"; Claire Valente writes "I think it unlikely that Edward II wrote the poem".[301]
- ^ Mainstream historical interpretations of Edward's death include those of Seymour Phillips, who argues that it is "likely that he was murdered, probably by suffocation"; Roy Haines who suggests that the King was probably murdered and that "there is little reason to doubt that Edward of Caernarfon's corpse has remained there [Gloucester Cathedral] undisturbed since December 1327 or thereabouts"; Mira Rubin, who concludes that Edward may have been murdered; Michael Prestwich, who has "no doubt" that Mortimer plotted to murder Edward II, and that he "almost certainly died at Berkeley"; Joe Burden, who believes that Mortimer issued orders for Edward to be killed, and that the King was buried at Gloucester; Mark Ormrod, who argues that Edward was probably murdered, and is buried at Gloucester; Jeffrey Hamilton, who finds the argument that Edward survived Berkeley "fantastic"; and Chris Given-Wilson, who believes it is "almost certainly...true" that Edward died on the night of 21 September and was murdered.[306]
- ^ Thomas Berkeley was spared by Edward III, after a jury concluded in 1331 that he had not been involved in the killing of the late King. The same jury found that William Ockley and Edward Gurney had been responsible for the death. Ockley was not heard of again, but Gurney fled and was pursued across Europe, where he was captured in Naples; he died as he was being returned to England. John Maltravers was not formally accused of murdering Edward II but left for Europe and from there contacted Edward III, possibly to make a deal over what he knew about the events of 1327; after a period in exile he was ultimately pardoned and allowed to return to England in 1364. [309]
- ^ The historian Joel Burden notes that this delay in burial was not unusual for the period; the bodies of many other royalty, including Edward I and Isabella of France, remained unburied for a similar period.[319]
- ^ Although it was normal for Westminster Abbey to be used to bury English monarchs by the 14th century, the practice was not as formalised as it later became.[321]
- ^ Earlier scholarship had argued that the effigy on the tomb was an idealised carving, although more recent work has put more emphasis on its likely resemblance to Edward II.[329]
- ^ For critique of the theory that Edward II survived his imprisonment, see David Carpenter's review, and Roy Haines's analysis.[347]
- ^ Among his more esoteric valuables, Edward had a pitcher, allegedly made from a griffin's egg.[371]
- ^ The historian Miri Rubin argues that the displays show a lack of royal decorum. The historian Michael Prestwich notes that these court events imply to many "a decadent extravagance, fitting the familiar stereotype of the king", but goes on to argue that the court was really "conventional, and perhaps even rather dull"; Seymour Phillips questions if the naked French dancers were genuinely extravagant or simply intended to fit in with local French royal culture.[374]
References
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 3
- ^ Prestwich 1988, pp. 13–14
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 33
- ^ Prestwich 2003, pp. 5–6
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 38; Phillips 2011, p. 5; Given-Wilson 1996, pp. 29–30
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 38; Phillips 2011, p. 5; Gillingham, John (2008). "Hard on Wales". Times Literary Supplement. Times Literary Supplement. Retrieved 22 April 2014
{{cite web}}
: Unknown parameter|separator=
ignored (help) - ^ Haines 2003, p. 25
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 241
- ^ a b Brown 1988, p. 575
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- ^ Ashbee 2007, p. 9; Given-Wilson 1996, p. 157
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 33, 36
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 35–36; Haines 2003, p. 3
- ^ Coote 2000, pp. 84–86
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 36; Haines 2003, pp. 3–4
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 39
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 40
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, pp. 37, 47; Chaplais 1994, p. 5; Haines 2003, p. 4
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 47
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 48
- ^ Phillips 2006, p. 226
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 53–54
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 55–57; Haines 2003, p. 11
- ^ Phillips 2006, pp. 53; Haines 2003, p. 11; Haines 2003, pp. 45–46
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 60
- ^ Phillips 2006, pp. 53; Haines 2003, p. 11
- ^ Hamilton 2006, pp. 5–6; Phillips 2011, p. 45
- ^ Hamilton 2006, pp. 5–6; Phillips 2011, pp. 43–45; Haines 2003, pp. 4–5
- ^ Hamilton 2006, pp. 6–8
- ^ Hamilton 2006, p. 8; Haines 2003, p. 7
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 73–74
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 37, 74; Hamilton 2006, p. 9
- ^ Hamilton 2006, p. 6; Phillips 2011, p. 40
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 71; Phillips 2011, p. 41
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 73; Phillips 2011, p. 61
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 72–73; Prestwich 2003, p. 72
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 72
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 72; Prestwich 2003, p. 72
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 41; Haines 2003, p. 19
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 42
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 43
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, pp. 77–78; Hallam & Everard 2001, p. 360
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 78–79
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 80–81; Rubin 2006, p. 30
- ^ Brown 1988, p. 574
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 81–82; Marshall 2006, p. 190
- ^ a b Marshall 2006, pp. 198–199
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 82–84
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 85–87
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 88–90
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 91–93
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 94–95
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 104–105
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 94–95
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 95–96
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 107
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 109
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 109–111
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 111; Rubin 2006, pp. 29–30; Haines 2003, p. 16-17
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 111–115
- ^ Phillips 2006, pp. 113–115
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 116–117
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 96
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 96–97
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 96–97, 120; Chaplais 1994, p. 4
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 112, 120–121
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 120–121
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 120–123; Haines 2003, pp. 20–21
- ^ Ormrod 2006, p. 22; Haines 2003, pp. 20–21
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 72; Haines 2003, p. 374; Rubin 2006, p. 31; Phillips 2011, p. 102; Ormrod 2006, p. 23; Hamilton 2010, pp. 98–99
- ^ Ormrod 2006, pp. 23–25; Prestwich 2006, p. 70; Prestwich 2003, p. 72
- ^ Prestwich 2006, p. 71; Phillips 2011, p. 101; Haines 2003, pp. 42–43
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 97
- ^ Mortimer 2006, p. 50
- ^ Mortimer 2006, p. 52
- ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 31
- ^ Mortimer 2006, pp. 51–53
- ^ Mortimer 2006, p. 52; Phillips 2011, p. 102
- ^ Prestwich 2006, pp. 70–71; Chaplais 1994, p. 9; Phillips 2011, p. 99
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 100; Chaplais 1994, pp. 11–13
- ^ Chaplais 1994, p. 14-19
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 102
- ^ Chaplais 1994, pp. 20-22.
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 72
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 123
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 123
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 125–126
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 123; Prestwich 1988, p. 557.
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 126–127
- ^ Chaplais 1994, p. 53
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 129
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 131
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 132
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 133
- ^ Chaplais 1994, p. 34-41
- ^ Brown 1988, p. 575
- ^ Brown 1988, pp. 574–575, 578, 584; Phillips 2011, pp. 131–134
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 131–134
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 52
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 135; Brown 1988, p. 574
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 135, 139–140
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 140
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 141
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 140–143; Haines 2003, pp. 56–58
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 140–143; Haines 2003, pp. 56–58
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 144
- ^ a b Haines 2003, p. 61; Phillips 2011, p. 102
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 93; Phillips 2011, p. 102
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 74; Rubin 2006, p. 31
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 135-137
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 136–138
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 144–146; Chaplais 1994, p. 44
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, pp. 146–147
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 146
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 147–149
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 149–150
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 150–151
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 151
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 152–153
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 154–155
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 156–157
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 157–158
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 158
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 159
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 160
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 161
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 161; Chaplais 1994, p. 68
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 162
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 162–163
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 163
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 163–164
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 164–166
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 166
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 167–170
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 169–171
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 176; Haines 2003, p. 76
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 177–178
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 178–179, 182
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 180–181
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 182
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 152, 174–175
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 182, 276; Prestwich 2003, p. 77; Haines 2003, pp. 82–83, 87, 95
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 182–184
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 184–185; Chaplais 1994, p. 82
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 186–187
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 187
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 187–188
- ^ Hamilton 1991, pp. 202–204
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 189; Haines 2003, pp. 86–87
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 189–190
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 190–191; Chaplais 1994, p. 88
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 241
- ^ Chaplais 1994, p. 89
- ^ Chaplais 1994, p. 82; Phillips 2011, p. 192
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 191; Haines 2003, p. 86
- ^ Chaplais 1994, p. 89
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 193–196, 199–200
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 206–208
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 207–920
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 209–211
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 210–211
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 213
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 214
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 217
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 218–219; Prestwich 2003, p. 16
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 225–226
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, pp. 223–224
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 225–227; Haines 2003, p. 94
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 223, 227–228
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 228–229
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 230
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 231–232
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 231–232
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 232
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 233
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 234–236; Haines 2003, p. 259
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 233, 238
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 239, 243
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 246, 267, 276; Haines 2003, p. 104
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 280, 282–283, 294; Tebbit 2005, p. 205
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 308, 330; Haines 2003, p. 112
- ^ Jordan 1996, p. 171; Phillips 2011, pp. 252–253
- ^ Jordan 1996, p. 171; Phillips 2011, p. 253
- ^ Jordan 1996, pp. 172–174
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 248, 281, 329, 343–348
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 343–348; Haines 2003, p. 97
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 248, 253–54
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 256–258
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 247–248; Haines 2003, pp. 98–99
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 277
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 43–44
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 43–44; Childs 1991, pp. 160–162
- ^ Tebbit 2005, p. 201
- ^ Tebbit 2005, p. 205; Haines 2003, pp. 104–105
- ^ Tebbit 2005, p. 205; Haines 2003, p. 259
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 336
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 372–378
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 121–123
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 364–365
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 365-366
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 364, 366-367
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 367–368
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 374–375
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 375–377
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 376–377
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 377–379; Jordan 1996, p. 84
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 383–387
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 390; Haines 2003, pp. 128–129
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 394
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 395–397
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 397
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 397–398
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 399–400
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 400–401
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 403–404
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 404
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, pp. 406–407
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 408
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 408–409; Haines 2003, p. 141
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 410–411
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 411–413;; Haines 2003, p. 144
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 425
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 417
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 419; Haines 2003, p. 151
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 423–425
- ^ a b c Phillips 2011, pp. 426–427
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 428–431
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 433
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 423–433; Haines 2003, p. 148
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 434–435; Haines 2003, p. 273
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 440-442, 445
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 445-446; Haines 2003, p. 157
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 436
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 419–420
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 438, 440-441
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 455–456
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 456
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 456–457
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 461–462
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 274–275
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 461, 464–465
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 464
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 466
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 467
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 468
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 469
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 470
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 470–471
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 78–79
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 74–75
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 75–77
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 437–438
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 79–80
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 472
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 472–473
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 473–476
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 479
- ^ Hallam & Everard 2001, p. 322, 387; Haines 2003, pp. 19–20, 305–306
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 485–486; Haines 2003, p. 169
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 488–489
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 489–491; Haines 2003, p. 169
- ^ Mortimer 2004, p. 284; Doherty 2004, pp. 86–88; Haines 2003, p. 169
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 495
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 491–492
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 493–494
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 493–494, 500–501
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 500–501
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 519
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 501–502
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 502
- ^ Ruddick 2013, p. 205
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 160–164, 174–175
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 501, 504
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 504
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 503–504
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 505; Haines 2003, pp. 178–179
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 506–507
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 508
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 508–509
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 510–511; Haines 2003, p. 181
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 512
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 512–513; Haines 2003, p. 187
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 181
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 514–515
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 515, 518
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 186
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 516–518
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 516
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 520–522
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 523–524
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 524–525
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 526
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 529–530
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 533
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 534; Haines 2003, p. 191
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 534
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 535; Haines 2003, pp. 191–192
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 536, 539, 541
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 542–543
- ^ a b Phillips 2011, p. 541
- ^ a b Galbraith 1935, p. 221; McKisack 1959, p. 2; Smallwood 1973, p. 528; Valente 2002, p. 422
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 543-544
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 546-547
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 547
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 548
- ^ a b Rubin 2006, pp. 54–55; Prestwich 2003, p. 88; Burden 2004, p. 16; Ormrod 2004, p. 177; Phillips 2011, p. 563; Haines 2003, pp. 198, 226, 232; Given-Wilson 1996, p. 33; Hamilton 2010, p. 133; Given-Wilson, Chris (2010). "Holy Fool". Times Literary Supplement. Times Literary Supplement. Retrieved 22 April 2014
{{cite web}}
: Unknown parameter|separator=
ignored (help) - ^ Ormrod 2004, p. 177
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 572–576; Haines 2003, pp. 235–236
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 575–575; Haines 2003, pp. 236–237
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 563
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 198–199
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 199–200
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 214–216
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 216–217
- ^ Ormrod 2004, pp. 177–178
- ^ Rubin 2006, pp. 55–56
- ^ Burden 2004, p. 16
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 118; Burden 2004, pp. 18–19
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 118
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 118; Burden 2004, p. 19; Haines 2003, pp. 228–229
- ^ Burden 2004, p. 20
- ^ Burden 2004, pp. 16–17, 25
- ^ Burden 2004, pp. 25–27
- ^ Duffy 2003, pp. 106, 119; Burden 2004, p. 21
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 119
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 119, 122; "EDWARD II TOMB". Gloucester Cathedral. 2014. Retrieved 22 April 2014
{{cite web}}
: Unknown parameter|separator=
ignored (help) - ^ Duffy 2003, pp. 106, 119
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 121
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 121; Haines 2003, p. 229
- ^ Duffy 2003, pp. 119, 122; Ormrod 2004, pp. 177–178.
- ^ Duffy 2003, pp. 119, 122; Gloucester cathedral site
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 122; Gloucester cathedral site
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 122; Ormrod 2004, p. 179
- ^ Duffy 2003, p. 123; Haines 2003, p. 232
- ^ "EDWARD II TOMB". Gloucester Cathedral. 2014. Retrieved 22 April 2014
{{cite web}}
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ignored (help) - ^ Rubin 2006, p. 55
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 88; Phillips 2011, p. 562
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 88
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 185–188
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 186–188
- ^ Doherty 2004, p. 213
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 189–208; Haines 2003, pp. 222–229
- ^ Doherty 2004, pp. 213–217
- ^ Weir 2006, pp. 285–291
- ^ Mortimer 2005; Mortimer 2008, p. 408-410
- ^ Mortimer 2008, p. 408; Carpenter, David. "What happened to Edward II?". Lrb.co.uk. Retrieved 20 April 2014.
- ^ Carpenter, David. "What happened to Edward II?". Lrb.co.uk. Retrieved 20 April 2014.; Haines 2003, pp. 234–237
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 73; Haines 2003, pp. 142, 164
- ^ Chaplais 1994, pp. 2–3
- ^ Given-Wilson 1996, pp. 31–33, 154
- ^ Rubin 2006, p. 39
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 129; Prestwich 2003, pp. 93–94
- ^ Prestwich 2003, pp. 94–95; Phillips 2011, pp. 218–219
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 164; Rubin 2006, p. 37
- ^ Musson 2006, pp. 140–141
- ^ Musson 2006, pp. 162–163
- ^ Musson 2006, p. 157
- ^ Musson 2006, pp. 159–160
- ^ Haines 2003, pp. 148, 300–301; Rubin 2006, p. 50; Waugh 1991, p. 161
- ^ Valente 1998, p. 868; Dodd 2006, pp. 165–166; Rubin 2006, pp. 50–52
- ^ Dodd 2006, pp. 169, 172–173
- ^ Dodd 2006, pp. 170–171, 175–177; Rubin 2006, p. 32
- ^ Dodd 2006, pp. 180–182
- ^ Dodd 2006, pp. 167–168, 179
- ^ Prestwich 2006, p. 64
- ^ Prestwich 2006, pp. 64–65; Rubin 2006, p. 33
- ^ Prestwich 2006, p. 63
- ^ Prestwich 2006, pp. 63, 65
- ^ Prestwich 2006, pp. 69, 72
- ^ Prestwich 2006, pp. 66–68
- ^ a b Prestwich 2006, p. 69
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 75
- ^ Prestwich 2006, pp. 61, 69; Phillips 2011, p. 75; Rubin 2006, p. 33
- ^ Prestwich 2006, pp. 61, 74; Phillips 2011, p. 75; Rubin 2006, p. 33
- ^ a b Prestwich 2006, p. 67
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 65–66
- ^ Musson 2006, p. 157; Phillips 2011, pp. 61–62
- ^ Menache 2002, p. 60; Phillips 2011, p. 263
- ^ Menache 2002, pp. 66, 70–71, 73
- ^ Haines 2003, p. =337
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 263
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 263
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 286
- ^ Chaplais 1994, p. 5; Haines 2003, pp. 36–39; Phillips 2011, p. 9
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 9–14
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 15–17
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 17–19
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 22–23
- ^ Phillips 2011, pp. 24–25
- ^ Horne 1999, pp. 34–35
- ^ Horne 1999, pp. 32, 40–41
- ^ Prestwich 2003, p. 72
- ^ a b Waugh 1991, p. 241; Phillips 2011, p. 29
- ^ Phillips 2011, p. 29; Haines 2003, pp. 35–36
- ^ Waugh 1991, p. 241; Phillips 2011, pp. 29–30
- ^ Hamilton 2006, p. 5; Alexander 1985, p. 103; Waugh 1991, p. 241; Schofield 2005, p. 1295; Given-Wilson, Chris (2010). "Holy Fool". Times Literary Supplement. Times Literary Supplement. Retrieved 22 April 2014
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ignored (help) - ^ a b c Burgtorf 2008, p. 31
- ^ Lawrence 2006, p. 206; Martin 2010, pp. 19–20
- ^ Martin 2010, pp. 19–20
- ^ Logan 2007, pp. 83–84; Perry 2000, pp. 1055–1056, 1062–1063
- ^ Lawrence 2006, p. 206
- ^ Burgtorf 2008, p. 31; Prasch 1993, p. 1165
- ^ Prasch 1993, pp. 1165–1166
- ^ Brintnell 2011, pp. 40–41; Burgtorf 2008, p. 31; Phillips 2011, p. 31
- ^ Aberth 2003, pp. 303–304
- ^ Horne 1999, pp. 31, 40, 42
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 355; Phillips 2011, p. 102
- ^ Haines 2003, p. 270; Phillips 2011, pp. 428–429
- ^ Hamilton 2010, p. viii; Carpenter 2004, pp. 532–536; Prestwich 1988, p. 574; O'Callaghan 1975, p. 681; Durand, Clémencet & Dantine 1818, p. 435; Howell, Margaret (2004–14). "Eleanor [Eleanor of Provence] (c.1223–1291), queen of England, consort of Henry III". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 22 April 2014
{{cite web}}
: Unknown parameter|separator=
ignored (help); Parsons, John Carmi (2004–14). "Eleanor [Eleanor of Castile] (1241–1290), queen of England, consort of Edward I". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 22 April 2014{{cite web}}
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ignored (help)
Bibliography
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(help) - Ruddick, Andrea (2013). English Identity and Political Culture in the Fourteenth Century. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107007260.
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(help) - Schofield, Phillipp R. (2005). "King Edward II: Edward of Caernarfon, His Life, His Reign, and Its Aftermath, 1284-1330 by Roy Martin Haines". Speculum. 80 (4): 1295–1296.
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(help) - Smallwood, M. (1973). "The Lament of Edward II". Modern Language Review. 68: 521–529.
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(help) - Tebbit, Alistair (2005). "Royal Patronage and Political Allegiance: The Household Knights of Edward II, 1314-1321". In Prestwich, Michael; Britnell, Richard; Frame, Robin (eds.). Thirteenth Century England: The Proceedings of the Durham Conference, 2003. Vol. X. Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press. pp. 197–209. ISBN 1843831228.
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(help) - Waugh, Scott L. (1991). England in the Reign of Edward III. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0521310393.
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(help) - Weir, Alison (2006). Isabella: She-Wolf of France, Queen of England. London, UK: Pimlico. ISBN 9780712641944.
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(help) - Valente, Claire (1998). "The Deposition and Abdication of Edward II". The English Historical Review. 113 (453): 852–881.
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(help) - Valente, Claire (2002). "The 'Lament of Edward II': Religious Lyric, Political Propaganda". Speculum. 77: 422–439.
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(help)
External links
- Edward's tomb at Gloucester Cathedral
- "Archival material relating to Edward II of England". UK National Archives.
- Portraits of King Edward II at the National Portrait Gallery, London
- Use dmy dates from October 2012
- Edward II of England
- 1284 births
- 1327 deaths
- 1327 crimes
- 13th-century English people
- 14th-century English people
- English monarchs
- English murder victims
- Earls in the Peerage of England
- English people of Spanish descent
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- Murdered monarchs
- People from Caernarfon
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- People murdered in England
- English people of the Wars of Scottish Independence
- Roman Catholic monarchs
- Burials at Gloucester Cathedral
- 14th-century monarchs in Europe