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Foreign relations of Argentina

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The Argentine embassy in Athens.

This article deals with the diplomatic affairs, foreign policy and international relations of the Argentine Republic. At the political level, these matters are handled by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, also known as the Cancillería, which answers to the President. The current Minister of Foreign Affairs, since December 2023, is Chancellor (es: Canciller) Diana Mondino.

History

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From isolation to nationhood

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Owing to its geographical remoteness, local authorities in what is today Argentina developed an early sense of autonomy. Based largely on economic needs, during colonial times their pragmatism led to a flourishing unofficial market in smuggled goods, out of the then-small port of Buenos Aires, in blatant contravention of the Spanish mercantilist laws. With the Enlightened despotism of the late-eighteenth-century Bourbon kings and the creation of the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776, trade increased as the political importance of the port-city of Buenos Aires soared. The urgency for a complete liberalization of commerce remained a powerful political cause for Criollos and Mestizos, further stimulated by the politically egalitarian and revolutionary ideals spread by the French and Anglo-American revolutions. Ultimately, the actual experience of successfully defending without Spanish aid the viceroyalty from a foreign invader during the 1806–1807 British invasions of the Río de la Plata, triggered a decisive quest for even greater autonomy from the colonial metropolis.

Between 1808 and 1810, the Napoleonic French Empire openly invaded Spain, after deposing King Ferdinand VII and taking him prisoner. A Spanish resistance formed an emergency government, the Supreme Central and Governing Junta of the Kingdom in order to govern themselves and the Spanish Empire in the absence of Ferdinand VII. But, when the Supreme Central Junta dissolved itself on 29 January 1810, under extreme pressure from Napoleonic forces, most of the main cities of Spanish America refused to acknowledge its successor, a Regency Council, as the legitimate depositary of sovereignty. They proceed to name their own local juntas, as a means to exercise government in the absence of the prisoner king.

On 25 May 1810, a Criollo-led cabildo abierto formally assumed the authority from Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros. However, the ensuing United Provinces of South America (formed on the basis of the former Viceroyalty) declared itself independent on 9 July 1816, after Ferdinand VII was restored in 1815. During the Independence Wars no sovereign state recognized the United Provinces.

Until the fall of the Royalist stronghold of Lima in 1821, and the Battle of Ayacucho of 1824, territorial integrity was solely sustained by the military brilliance of Generals José de San Martín and Manuel Belgrano, the continuous efforts of northern provinces defenders Martín Miguel de Güemes and Juana Azurduy, among many others. However, during this same period, internecine power conflicts among diverse leaders, and ideological and economical struggles developed between Buenos Aires Province and much of the rest of the United Provinces, with many of the Provinces bonding themselves into a Federal League, inspired by Federalist José Gervasio Artigas' leadership. In practice, each side treated the other's grievances as a "foreign policy" matter.

The Unitarian Constitution of 1819 was immediately rejected by the provinces, and a state of anarchy ensued following the Battle of Cepeda. The only cause that could regain unity among the hostile factions was the 1825 invasion of what today is Uruguay on the part of Brazilian Empire. Uruguay, then known as the Province of the Eastern Bank of the Uruguay River, was considered a somewhat breakaway Province, since Montevideo served as the seat of the Royalist Viceroy Francisco Javier de Elío during its war on the May Revolution; and that, after the independentists victory, the Province became the main stronghold of the Federal League leader José Gervasio Artigas, who waged a long and bitter dispute during the 1810s against the Unitarians about the shape the national organization would have.

The war crisis led to a new Constitution and a first semblance of a united national government, at the same time it represented the first foreign policy crisis of the young nation (known as República Argentina, per the 1926 Constitution), as it forced the nation into war with Brazil.

The common cause the crisis provided did lead to enough institutional stability to have the British Empire recognize Argentina (as President James Monroe had the U.S. State Department done in 1822) and led to the election of the first President of Argentina. The opportunity for unity, however, was wasted largely because the new President, Bernardino Rivadavia, pushed a new Constitution even more biased towards Buenos Aires' agenda than the failed 1819 document. The war with Brazil, moreover, went badly. Land battles were won, early on, and despite some heroic feats on the part on Irish-born Admiral Guillermo Brown, the war dragged on, resulting in bankruptcy. This and the hated new constitution led to the end of the first republic by 1828; it also led, however, to peace with Brazil and the formation of an independent Uruguay.

26 September 1828 treaty itself became another foreign policy crisis, as it triggered a violent coup d'état by generals opposed to what they saw as a unilateral surrender. The murder of the man responsible for the treaty, Buenos Aires Governor Manuel Dorrego, itself led to a countercoup that brought with it the promise of a lasting peace; but eventually led to destabilizing consequences.

The countercoup brought in a new governor for the Buenos Aires Province, who would in time become the leading figure of a loose confederation of Argentine Provinces (the so-called Argentine Confederation). Juan Manuel de Rosas made it his mission to stabilize Argentina in a confederacy under the tutelage of Buenos Aires Province. This led to repression, massacres of Native Americans in the Pampas and, in 1838, an international embargo over the case of a French journalist tortured to death at Rosas' orders.[citation needed] An unyielding Rosas might have let the impasse continue for a decade or more; but, Admiral Guillermo Brown made his talents amenable once again, forcing the French blockade to be lifted in 1841.

Having come to power avenging the murder of a man who had decided to cease interference in Uruguay, Rosas invaded Uruguay upon the 1842 election of a government there antagonistic to his personal commercial interests (mainly centered in the export of cow hides and beef jerky, valuable commodities in those days). Commercially close with the French and British Empires, Uruguay's crisis met with swift reprisals against Rosas and the Argentine Confederacy from the two mighty powers. Slapped with fresh embargoes and a joint blockade, Argentina by 1851 found itself bankrupt and with "rogue nation" standing; on 3 February 1852, a surprise military campaign led by the Governor of Entre Ríos Province, Justo José de Urquiza, put an end to the Rosas regime and, until 1878, at least, serious Argentine foreign policy misadventures.

Constitution and conflict resolution

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President Julio Roca hosts Argentine and Chilean negotiators in an 1899 bid to avoid war.

The deposition of Rosas led to Argentina's present institutional framework, outlined in the 1853 constitution. The document, drafted by a legal scholar specializing in the interpretation of the United States Constitution put forth national social and economic development as its overriding principle. Where foreign policy was concerned, it specifically put emphasis on the need to encourage immigration and little else, save for the national defense against aggressions. This, of course, was forced into practice by Paraguayan dictator Francisco Solano López's disastrous 1865 invasion of northern Argentine territory, leading to an alliance between 1820s-era adversaries Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay and the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives (particularly Paraguay's own).

Setbacks notwithstanding, the policy was successful. Domestically, Argentina was quickly transformed by immigration and foreign investment into, arguably, the most educationally and economically advanced nation in Latin America. Whatever else was happening domestically, internationally, Argentine policy earned a reputation for pragmatism and the reliance of conflict resolution as a vehicle to advance national interests. The era's new strongman, Gen. Julio Roca, was the first Argentine leader to treat foreign policy on equal footing with foreign investment and immigration incentives, universal education and repression as instruments of national development. His first administration occupied Patagonia and entered into an 1881 agreement with Chile to that effect and his second one commissioned archaeologist Francisco Moreno to survey an appropriate boundary between the two neighbors, which brought Chile into the historic 1902 pact, settling questions over Patagonian lands east of the Andes. Later that year, endorsed his Foreign Secretary's successful negotiation of a debt dispute between Venezuela, France and Germany. Foreign Secretary Luis Drago's proposal in this, a dispute among third parties, became the Drago Doctrine, part of international law to this day.

Signatories of the 1938 treaty ending the Chaco War gather in Buenos Aires. Foreign Minister Carlos Saavedra Lamas is at right

This success led to a joint effort between Argentina, Brazil and Chile to negotiate a peaceful resolution to the United States' occupation of Veracruz, Mexico in April 1914. That May, the three nations' foreign ministers hosted U.S. officials in Canada, a conference instrumental in the withdrawal of U.S. troops that November. This also resulted in the 1915 ABC pact signed between the three and, like Brazil and Chile, Argentina thereafter pursued a pragmatic foreign policy, focused on preserving favorable trade relationships. This policy was in evidence during the 1933 Roca-Runciman Treaty, which secured Argentine markets among British colonies, and in the Argentine position during the Chaco War. Resulting from the 1928 discovery of petroleum in the area, the dispute developed into war after Bolivia's appeal for Argentine intervention in what it saw as Paraguayan incursions into potentially oil-rich lands were rejected. Bolivia invaded in July 1932 and, despite its legitimate claim to what historically had been its territory, its government's ties to Standard Oil of New Jersey (with whom the Argentine government was in dispute over its alleged pirating of oil in Salta Province)[1] led Buenos Aires to withhold diplomatic efforts until, in June 1935, a cease-fire was signed. The laborious negotiations called in Buenos Aires by Argentine Foreign Minister Carlos Saavedra Lamas yielded him Latin America's first Nobel Prize for Peace in 1936 and a formal peace treaty in July 1938.

World War II

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As they had during World War I, Argentine governments of different ideological stripes remained consistent in one important foreign policy point: they maintained Argentina neutral, preferring to offer the nation's vast agricultural export capacity to British and U.S. wartime needs; indeed, Argentine trade surpluses totalled US$1 billion during World War I and US$1.7 billion during World War II.[2]

In early 1945, the United States and 19 Latin American countries met in Mexico at the Inter-American Conference on Problems of War and Peace. Argentina was not invited. The conference demanded that Argentina declare war on Germany or else it would be isolated. Argentina did so on 27 March 1945, and kept its status in the Pan-American Union and at the insistence of Latin American delegations was admitted to the new United Nations.[3]

Cold War

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President Frondizi (2nd from left) hosts President John F. Kennedy in United States, 1961.

The incipient Cold War in evidence following World War II led the new administration of Juan Perón to conclude that a third world war might follow. Perón restored diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union and, in 1949, articulated a "third way" as his foreign policy doctrine, in hopes of avoiding friction with either superpower, while opening the door to grain sales to the perennially shortage-stricken Soviets. Though commercial concerns continued to dominate foreign policy, conflict resolution was again ventured into when President Arturo Frondizi initiated negotiations between U.S. President John F. Kennedy and Cuban representative Ernesto Che Guevara during a Western Hemisphere summit in Uruguay in August 1961. Frondizi followed these exchanges with private discussions with Che Guevara in Buenos Aires, a misstep resulting in the Argentine military's opposition to further talks. Ultimately, Cuba was expelled from the Organization of American States in January 1962 and Frondizi was forced by the military to resign that March. The effort, though fruitless, showed audacity on the part of Frondizi, whom President Kennedy called "a really tough man."[4]

A stray from precedent

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Argentina's relations with its neighbor Chile, though generally cordial, have been strained by territorial disputes – mostly along their mountainous shared border – since the nineteenth century.

In 1958 the Argentine Navy shelled a Chilean lighthouse during the Snipe incident.

On 6 November 1965 the Argentine Gendarmerie killed Chilean Lieutenant Hernán Merino Correa, member of Carabineros de Chile in the Laguna del Desierto incident.

In 1978 the bellicose[5] Argentine dictatorship abrogated the binding Beagle Channel Arbitration and started the Operation Soberania in order to invade Chile but aborted it a few hours later due to military and political reasons.[6] The conflict was resolved after the Argentine defeat in the Falklands by Papal mediation in the Beagle conflict of Pope John Paul II and in the form of a Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina ("Tratado de Paz y Amistad"), granting the islands to Chile and most of the Exclusive economic zone to Argentina; since then, other border disputes with Chile have been resolved via diplomatic negotiations.

The military dictatorship in Argentina invaded and occupied the British-controlled Falkland Islands on 2 April 1982, starting the Falklands War. The war lasted 74 days before an Argentine surrender on 14 June. The war cost the lives of nearly a thousand Argentine and British troops as well as three Falkland Islanders. It dealt the dictatorship a humiliating blow, opening the door for the return of a democratically elected government.

Since the return of civilian rule to Argentina in 1983, relations with Chile, the United Kingdom and the international community in general improved and Argentine officials have since publicly ruled out interpreting neighboring countries' policies as any potential threat; but Argentina still does not enjoy the full trust of the Chilean political class.[7][8][9][10][11][12]

Michel Morris stated that Argentina has used threats and force to pursue its claims against Chile and Great Britain and that some of the hostile acts or armed incidents appear to have been caused by zealous local commanders.[13]

Menem Presidency

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Early on in the administration of President Carlos Menem (1989–1999), Argentina restored diplomatic relations with the United Kingdom and developed a strong partnership with the United States. It was at this time that Argentina left the Non-Aligned Movement and adopted a policy of "automatic alignment" with the United States. In 1990, Menem's Foreign Minister, Guido di Tella, memorably pronounced the U.S.–Argentine alliance to be a "carnal relationship."[14]

Argentine destroyer Almirante Brown leads a formation into the Persian Gulf, 1991. President Carlos Menem's decision to send a token presence into the Gulf War earned him a close alliance with U.S. President George H. W. Bush.

Argentina was the only Latin American country to participate in the 1991 Gulf War and all phases of the Haiti operation. It has contributed to United Nations peacekeeping operations worldwide, with Argentine soldiers/engineers and police/Gendarmerie serving in El SalvadorHondurasNicaragua (where Navy patrol boats painted white were deployed), Guatemala, Ecuador–Peru, Western Sahara, Angola, Kuwait, Cyprus, Croatia, Kosovo, Bosnia and East Timor.

In recognition of its contributions to international security and peacekeeping, U.S. President Bill Clinton designated Argentina as a major non-NATO ally in January 1998.[15] The country is currently of two in Latin America that hold this distinction, the other being Brazil.

At the United Nations, Argentina supported United States policies and proposals, among them the condemnations of Cuba on the issue of human rights, and the fight against international terrorism and narcotics trafficking. In November 1998, Argentina hosted the United Nations conference on climate change, and in October 1999 in Berlin, became one of the first nations worldwide to adopt a voluntary greenhouse gas emissions target.

Argentina also became a leading advocate of non-proliferation efforts worldwide. After trying to develop nuclear weapons during the 1976 military dictatorship, Argentina scrapped the project with the return of democratic rule in 1983, and became a strong advocate of non-proliferation efforts and the peaceful use of nuclear technologies.

Since the return of democracy, Argentina has also turned into strong proponent of enhanced regional stability in South America, the country revitalized its relationship with Brazil; and during the 1990s (after signing the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1984 between Chile and Argentina) settled lingering border disputes with Chile; discouraged military takeovers in Ecuador and Paraguay; served with the United States, Brazil and Chile as one of the four guarantors of the Ecuador–Peru peace process. Argentina's reputation as a mediator was damaged, however, when President Menem and some members of his cabinet were accused of approving the illegal sale of weapons to Ecuador and to Croatia.

In 1998, President Menem made a state visit to the United Kingdom, and the Prince of Wales reciprocated with a visit to Argentina. In 1999, the two countries agreed to normalize travel to the Falkland Islands (Spanish: Islas Malvinas) from the mainland and resumed direct flights.

In the 1990s, Argentina was an enthusiastic supporter of the Summit of the Americas process, and chaired the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) initiative.

Kirchner Presidency

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President Cristina Kirchner alongside the members of BRICS and Union of South American Nations in 2014.

Within the term of President Néstor Kirchner, from 2003 onwards, Argentina suspended its policy of automatic alignment with the United States and moved closer to other Latin American countries. Argentina no longer supports the UN Commission on Human Rights resolution criticizing the "human rights situation in Cuba" and calling upon the Government of Cuba to "adhere to international human rights norms", but has chosen instead to abstain. In the 2006 United Nations Security Council election, Argentina supported, like all Mercosur countries, the candidacy of Venezuela (a Mercosur member) over Guatemala for a non-permanent seat in the Security Council.

The Mercosur has become a central part of the Argentine foreign policy, with the goal of forming a Latin American trade bloc. Argentina has chosen to form a bloc with Brazil when it comes to external negotiations, though the economic asymmetries between South America's two largest countries have produced tension at times.

Between 4 and 5 November 2005, the city of Mar del Plata hosted the Fourth Summit of the Americas. Although the themes were unemployment and poverty, most of the discussion was focused on the FTAA. The summit was a failure in this regard, but marked a clear split between the countries of the Mercosur, plus Venezuela, and the supporters of the FTAA, led by the United States, Mexico and Canada. FTAA negotiations have effectively stalled until at least the conclusion of the 2006 Doha round global trade talks.

In 2005, Argentina assumed again (see history here ) the two-year non-permanent position on the UN Security Council.

As of 2007, during Kirchner's almost four years in power, Argentina entered into 294 bilateral agreements, including 39 with Venezuela, 37 with Chile, 30 with Bolivia, 21 with Brazil, 12 with China, 10 with Germany, 9 with the United States and Italy, and 7 with Cuba, Paraguay, Spain and Russia.[16]

Macri Presidency

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Argentine President Mauricio Macri with U.S. President Donald Trump in Buenos Aires, during the 2018 G20 Summit.

Mauricio Macri started his term with a series of foreign policy objectives: (i) re-invigorate bilateral relations with the US and Europe, (ii) revise the foundations of Mercosur, evaluating (together with Brazil) alternatives that imply more free trade and (iii) go back to a single exchange rate, allow for a revival of commodity exports and attract foreign direct investment. However, the realization of these objectives will depend on the evolution of domestic (the fate of Kirchnerism) and regional (the fate of the PT in Brazil) developments.[17]

Issues

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Sovereignty claims

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Territory claimed by Argentina

Argentina claims part of Antarctica as Argentine Antarctica, an area delimited by the 25° West and 74° West meridians and the 60° South parallel. This claim overlaps the British and Chilean claims, though all territorial claims in Antarctica are currently suspended under the Antarctic Treaty System. Argentina also claims the British overseas territories of the Falkland Islands and South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands. In addition a 50 kilometres (31 mi) long border with Chile in the Southern Patagonian Ice Field is awaiting demarcation as required under a 1998 treaty.

On 22 April 2009, the Argentine government submitted a claim to the United Nations (UN) for 1,700,000 square kilometres (660,000 sq mi) of ocean territory to be recognised as Argentina's continental shelf as governed by the Convention on the Continental Shelf and Convention on the Law of the Sea.[18] Argentina claims to have spent 11 years investigating the matter and submitted 800 kilograms (1,800 lb) of documents in support of the claim.[18] If the claim is recognised by the UN then Argentina will gain the rights to the commercial exploitation of the sea bed (which includes mining and oil drilling). The new claim will add to the existing 4,800,000 square kilometres (1,900,000 sq mi) of commercial shelf already managed by Argentina and includes the disputed British overseas territories of the Falklands, South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands and parts of Antarctica disputed with Chile and the United Kingdom.[18]

As of 2016 the UN Commission on the Limits of the Continental Shelf (CLCS)[19] decided to expand Argentina maritime territory in the South Atlantic Ocean by 35% thus increasing by 1,700,000 square kilometres (660,000 sq mi) its territorial waters, fixing the limit of its territory at 200 to 350 nautical miles (370 to 650 km; 230 to 400 mi) from its coast.[20][21] However, this ruling did not increase Argentina's Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) which is calculated differently and over which the CLCS has no authority to make a determination.[22][23] In fact, the CLCS finding is likely to strengthen the UK’s claim to the contested seabed around the islands because the CLCS finding makes it more likely that the seabed between the islands and the Argentine mainland needs to be shared.[22] The UN CLCS ruling included a caveat referencing the unresolved diplomatic dispute between Argentina and the United Kingdom over the Falkland Islands.[24]

Other incidents

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Argentina, through its Coast Guard and Navy, has been traditionally greatly involved in fishery protection in the Argentine Sea with the first major incidents tracing back to the 1960s when a destroyer fired and holed a Russian trawler[25] and continued through recent years.[26][27][28]

In November 2006, an Argentine judge issued an arrest warrant for former Iranian President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani and eight other ex-officials in relation to the 1994 bombing of the Jewish-Argentine Mutual Association (AMIA) community center in Buenos Aires which killed 85 people.[29] Iran refused to carry out the arrest demanded by the warrant claiming it to be a "Zionist plot".[29] As a result, President Néstor Kirchner ordered the security forces to be on the alert for incidents similar to the 1994 bombing.[30]

Argentina has a dispute with neighboring Uruguay about two pulp mills on the Uruguay side of the shared Uruguay River near the Argentine city of Gualeguaychú.[31] Residents of Gualeguaychú, concerned about pollution from the mills, blockaded bridges across the river in 2006.[31] The case was brought before the International Court of Justice. Meanwhile, the denial of preliminary measures in July 2006 allowed the mills to begin functioning.[32] An ICJ decision was released in 2010. It found that Uruguay had broken its 1985 treaty obligation to consultant Argentina before building the mills but that Argentine claims of pollution caused by the new mills were not backed by the evidence.[33]

International agreements

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Diplomatic relations

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List of countries which Argentina maintains diplomatic relations with:

# Country Date[34]
1  Colombia 8 May 1825
2  United Kingdom 12 May 1825
3  Chile 30 January 1827
4  France 15 May 1834
5  Denmark 20 January 1841
6  Paraguay 31 July 1841
7  Portugal 9 August 1852
8  Venezuela 14 April 1853[35]
9  United States 20 December 1854
10  Brazil 25 June 1856
11  Italy 4 September 1856
12  Bolivia 7 December 1858
13  Germany 3 June 1859
14  Belgium 3 March 1860[36]
15  Costa Rica 23 October 1862[37][38]
16  Uruguay 30 June 1863
17  Spain 21 September 1863[39]
18  Sweden 6 June 1872
19  Dominican Republic 15 June 1876[40]
 Holy See 31 December 1877[41]
20  Peru 20 December 1885
21  Mexico 20 December 1888[42]
22   Switzerland 12 September 1891[43]
23  Netherlands 24 January 1896[44]
24  Japan 3 February 1898
25  Ecuador 27 March 1903[45]
26  Iran 14 April 1905
27  Norway 28 March 1906[46]
28  Cuba 12 May 1909[47]
29  Nicaragua 29 August 1910
30  Finland 11 May 1918[48]
31  Guatemala 7 October 1918[49]
32  Panama 5 November 1920[50]
33  Poland 19 July 1922[51]
34  Czech Republic 7 January 1924[52]
35  Hungary 1924[53]
36  Romania 12 March 1928[54]
37  Serbia 29 February 1928[55]
38  Bulgaria 8 July 1931[56]
39  Turkey 18 December 1935
40  Luxembourg 29 June 1937[57]
41  Greece 23 November 1938
42  Haiti 1 February 1939[58]
43  Canada 14 November 1940[59]
44  El Salvador 1940[60]
45  Philippines 24 October 1945[61]
46  Lebanon 22 November 1945
47  Syria 23 November 1945
48  Saudi Arabia 16 February 1946
49  Iraq 10 April 1946
50  Russia 21 September 1946
51  Austria 11 April 1947
52  Egypt 9 June 1947
53  Ireland 29 July 1947
54  South Africa 10 September 1947
55  India 3 February 1949
56  Israel 31 May 1949
 Sovereign Military Order of Malta 7 June 1951
57  Pakistan 15 October 1951
58  Iceland 25 April 1952
59  Jordan 7 May 1954
60  Thailand 2 February 1955
61  Indonesia 30 July 1956
62  Honduras 3 June 1958
63  Afghanistan 24 October 1959
64  Australia 10 December 1959[62]
65  Liberia 8 January 1960
66  Cambodia 28 January 1960
67  Ghana 28 March 1961
68  Morocco 31 May 1961
69  Tunisia 11 October 1961
70    Nepal 1 January 1962
71  Sri Lanka 5 January 1962
72  South Korea 15 February 1962
73  Senegal 28 March 1962
74  Sudan 15 May 1962
75  Nigeria 19 March 1963
76  Jamaica 24 May 1963
77  Algeria 18 June 1964
78  Guinea 8 September 1964
79  Mali 8 September 1964
80  Trinidad and Tobago 30 October 1964
81  Kenya 31 September 1965
82  Malaysia 7 June 1967[61]
83  Ethiopia 28 March 1968
84  Ivory Coast 15 May 1968
85  Cyprus 3 June 1968
86  Kuwait 13 September 1968
87  Barbados 18 November 1968
88  Mongolia 7 September 1971
89  China 16 February 1972
90  Bangladesh 25 May 1972
91  Democratic Republic of the Congo 4 October 1972
92  Guyana 6 October 1972
 North Korea (suspended) 1 June 1973
93  Albania 4 October 1973
94  Vietnam 25 October 1973[61]
95  Libya 12 December 1973[63]
96  Gabon 22 January 1974
97  United Arab Emirates 26 February 1974
98  Tanzania 7 March 1974
99  Yemen 14 March 1974
100  Somalia 15 March 1974
101  Bahrain 18 March 1974
102  Eswatini 1 April 1974
103  Mauritius 8 April 1974
104  Equatorial Guinea 26 April 1974
105  Benin 20 May 1974
106  Chad 24 May 1974
107  Togo 12 June 1974
108  Qatar 15 June 1974
109  Bahamas 17 June 1974[64]
110  Uganda 17 June 1974
111  Grenada 18 June 1974
112  Oman 18 June 1974
113  Sierra Leone 6 September 1974
114  Guinea-Bissau 9 September 1974[65]
115  Zambia 24 September 1974
116  Singapore 30 September 1974
117  Cameroon 2 January 1975
118  Rwanda 8 January 1975
119  Fiji 30 April 1975[66]
120  Malta 29 May 1975[67]
121  Niger 23 June 1975
122  Cape Verde 26 September 1975
123  Burkina Faso 26 September 1975
124  São Tomé and Príncipe 5 November 1975
125  Laos 20 November 1975[66]
126  Mauritania 26 July 1976
127  Burundi 20 September 1976
128  Suriname 20 July 1977
129  Botswana 28 March 1978
130  Papua New Guinea 6 November 1978[68]
131  Myanmar 10 January 1979
132  Angola 2 June 1979
133  Saint Lucia 13 December 1979
134  Republic of the Congo 2 January 1980
135  Gambia 15 January 1980
136  Mozambique 19 October 1981
137  Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 4 October 1983
138  New Zealand 20 August 1984
139  Brunei 21 September 1984[61]
140  Antigua and Barbuda 7 December 1984
141  Zimbabwe 15 March 1985[69]
142  Dominica 13 June 1985
143  Central African Republic 15 July 1986
144  Seychelles 2 October 1986
145  Vanuatu 13 March 1987
146  Maldives 14 May 1987[70]
147  Comoros 28 September 1988[68]
148  Saint Kitts and Nevis 7 December 1988
149  Namibia 31 July 1990
150  Lithuania 25 September 1991
151  Latvia 26 September 1991
152  Estonia 27 September 1991
153  Ukraine 6 January 1992
154  Armenia 7 January 1992
155  Belize 8 January 1992
156  Croatia 13 April 1992
157  Slovenia 13 April 1992
158  Turkmenistan 24 September 1992
159  Kyrgyzstan 6 October 1992
160  Georgia 2 November 1992
161  Belarus 6 November 1992
162  Bosnia and Herzegovina 19 November 1992
163  Slovakia 1 January 1993[71]
164  Moldova 8 March 1993
165  Marshall Islands 23 April 1993
166  Samoa 18 April 1993
167  Eritrea 24 May 1993
168  Kazakhstan 25 June 1993
169  Federated States of Micronesia 27 July 1993
170  Djibouti 27 August 1993
171  Uzbekistan 9 September 1993
172  Azerbaijan 8 November 1993
173  San Marino 6 October 1994[72]
174  Andorra 28 April 1995
175  Malawi 11 March 1999
176  Lesotho 19 May 1999
177  North Macedonia 24 September 1999
178  Madagascar 20 July 2001[68]
179  Tajikistan 14 September 2001
180  East Timor 23 October 2002[61]
181  Palau 6 July 2004
182  Liechtenstein 8 June 2005[73]
183  Montenegro 12 September 2006
184  Kiribati 21 September 2006
185  Monaco 29 March 2007[74]
186  Bhutan 14 March 2012
 State of Palestine 5 March 2015[75]
187  Solomon Islands 29 July 2016
188  Nauru 31 October 2016
189  Tuvalu 15 May 2018

Bilateral relations

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Africa

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Country Formal relations began Notes
 Algeria 1962 See Algeria–Argentina relations
  • Algeria has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
  • Argentina has an embassy in Algiers.
 Angola 2 September 1977 (1977-09-02) See Angola–Argentina relations
 Comoros

Argentina is represented in Comoros by its embassy in Nairobi, Kenya.[76][77]

 Democratic Republic of Congo
  • Argentina is accredited to the DR Congo from its embassy in Nairobi, Kenya.
  • DR Congo has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Egypt See Argentina–Egypt relations

Diplomatic relations were established between both countries in 1947.[78]

  • Argentina has an embassy in Cairo.
  • Egypt has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Ghana
  • In 2012 Ghana illegally seized ARA Libertad (Q-2) because Argentina over a debt dispute with vulture funds.[79]
  • Argentina is accredited to Ghana from its embassy in Abuja, Nigeria.
  • Ghana is accredited to Argentina from its embassy in Brasília, Brazil.
 Libya January 1974 See Argentina–Libya relations
  • Argentina is represented in Libya by its embassy in Tunis, Tunisia.
  • Libya has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Mauritania

Argentina is represented in Mauritania by its embassy in Tunis, Tunisia.[80][81]

 Morocco 1960 See Argentina–Morocco relations
  • Argentina recognized Morocco's independence in 1956.
  • Argentina has an embassy in Rabat.
  • Morocco has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 South Africa 10 September 1947 (1947-09-10) See Argentina–South Africa relations

Americas

[edit]
Country Formal relations began Notes
 Barbados 16 August 1968 (1968-08-16)
 Belize 8 January 1992 (1992-01-08)
  • Both countries established diplomatic relations on 8 January 1992.[84]
  • In 2013 both countries have an agreement on Technical cooperation.[85]
  • Argentina is accredited to Belize from its embassy in Guatemala City, Guatemala.
  • Belize has an honorary consulate in Buenos Aires.
 Bolivia See Argentina–Bolivia relations
 Brazil

After democratization, a strong integration and partnership began between the two countries. In 1985 they signed the basis for the MERCOSUR, a Regional Trade Agreement. Also on the military side there has been greater rapprochement. In accordance with the friendship policy, both armies dissolved or moved major units previously located at their common border (e.g. Argentine's 7th Jungle and 3rd Motorized Infantry Brigades). Brazilian soldiers are embedded in the Argentine peacekeeping contingent at UNFICYP in Cyprus and they are working together at MINUSTAH in Haiti and, as another example of collaboration, Argentine Navy aircraft routinely operates from the Brazilian Navy carrier São Paulo.

On 7 September 2008, the President of Argentina, Cristina Kirchner, traveled to Brazil where she was the guest of honor at the Independence Day celebrations and witnessed the military parade in Brasília. The following day, she held discussions with the Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva on a variety of bilateral issues including energy, defense and nuclear cooperation.[86][87] Brazil's decision to prevent a Royal Navy ship docking in Rio de Janeiro was seen as backing Argentina over the Falklands dispute.[88]

  • Argentina has an embassy in Brasília.
  • Brazil has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
  • In May 2023, Argentina and Brazil announced plans to continue working on the development of a mechanism allowing them to avoid using the US dollar in bilateral trade.[89]
 Canada 1940
 Chile

Argentina and Chile share the world's third-longest international border, which is 5,300 km long and runs from north to the south along the Andes mountains. During much of the 19th and the 20th century, relations between the countries chilled due to disputes over Patagonia, though in recent years relations have improved dramatically.

  • Argentina has an embassy in Santiago.
  • Chile has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Colombia 3 March 1923 (1923-03-03)
 Cuba 12 May 1909 See Argentina–Cuba relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Havana.[93]
  • Cuba has an embassy in Buenos Aires.[94]
 El Salvador 1940
  • Argentina has an embassy in San Salvador.
  • El Salvador has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Guatemala 7 October 1918[95]
  • Argentina has an embassy in Guatemala City.
  • Guatemala has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Guyana 1972
 Mexico 1818
 Paraguay 1811
 Peru See Argentina–Peru relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Lima.
  • Peru has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines
 United States

The United States has a positive bilateral relationship with Argentina based on many common strategic interests, including non-proliferation, counternarcotics, counter-terrorism, the fight against human trafficking, and issues of regional stability, as well as the strength of commercial ties. Argentina is a participant in the Three-Plus-One regional mechanism (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay and the U.S.), which focuses on coordination of counter-terrorism policies in the tri-border region.

 Uruguay
 Venezuela

US$1.4 billion was traded between Argentina and Venezuela during 2008.[101] Argentine President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner met Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in Caracas on 11 August 2009.[102] Kirchner called it a "bilateral meeting [...] aimed at deepening our vital integration".[102] The two presidents signed deals intended to see Venezuela import leather, machinery and poultry from Argentina, whilst a rice importation agreement was described by the Argentine President as "the biggest ever in Argentina's history".[102] The deals were said to be worth $1.1 billion.[101] The meeting coincided with visits to Venezuela by dozens of Argentine businessmen.[102] Chávez signed the deals at a time of increasing tensions with Colombia over the United States usage of its military bases.[101]

Both embassies were closed in July 2024.[103]

Asia

[edit]
Country Formal relations began Notes
 Armenia 17 January 1992 (1992-01-17) See Argentina–Armenia relations
 Azerbaijan 8 November 1992 (1992-11-08) See Argentina–Azerbaijan relations
 China 14 February 1972 (1972-02-14) See Argentina–China relations
 India 3 February 1949 (1949-02-03) See Argentina–India relations
 Indonesia 30 July 1956 (1956-07-30) See Argentina–Indonesia relations
  • Indonesia has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
  • Argentina has an embassy in Jakarta
 Iran 1902 See Argentina–Iran relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Tehran.
  • Iran has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
  • Relations were somewhat strained between the two countries following the 1994 AMIA bombing in Buenos Aires in 1994.[108]
  • Argentina's exports to Iran increased from $29 million in 2007 to $1.2 billion in 2008. Argentina is Iran's second largest trade partner in Latin America after Brazil.[109]
 Israel 31 May 1949 (1949-05-31) See also Argentina–Israel relations, Argentine Jew, History of the Jews in Argentina
 Japan 3 February 1898 (1898-02-03) See Argentina–Japan relations

Diplomatic relations were restored by the signing of the San Francisco Peace Treaty in 1952. Argentine president Arturo Frondizi visited Japan in 1960, and subsequently bilateral trade and Japanese investment into Argentina have increased in importance. Japanese imports were primarily foodstuffs and raw materials, while exports were mostly machinery and finished products. Members of the Imperial Family of Japan have visited Argentina on a number of occasions, including Prince and Princess Takamado in 1991, Emperor and Empress Akihito in 1997 and Prince and Princess Akishino in 1998. Argentine President Raúl Alfonsín visited Japan in 1986, as did President Carlos Menem in 1990, 1993 and 1998.

  • Argentina has an embassy in Tokyo.
  • Japan has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Kazakhstan

Argentina and Kazakhstan established a visa-free policy for respective citizens in 2014 during a visit to Astana by Argentina Foreign Hector Timerman.[111] Kazakhstan's deputy foreign minister visited Buenos Aires in May 2017 to propose increased trade and economic cooperation.[112]

 Lebanon 1945 See Argentina–Lebanon relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Beirut.
  • Lebanon has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Malaysia 7 June 1967 (1967-06-07)

Argentina has an embassy in Kuala Lumpur,[113] and Malaysia has an embassy in Buenos Aires.[114] Argentina established diplomatic relations with Malaysia on 7 June 1967.[115]

 Pakistan See Argentina–Pakistan relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Islamabad.
  • Pakistan has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
  • The relationship has recently grown and become very cordial, with important trade ties developing along with other inter- government communications.[116]
 North Korea 1 June 1973 (1973-06-01) See Argentina–North Korea relations

The establishment of diplomatic relations between the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and the Argentine Republic began on 1 June 1973 and ended on 14 June 1977.

  • North Korea had an embassy in Buenos Aires from 1973 to 1977.
 Philippines See Argentina–Philippines relations

Argentina and the Philippines were former Spanish colonies. In 2012, both countries commemorated the 65th anniversary of the establishment of bilateral, diplomatic, and trade relations. Both countries also proposed separate bilateral agreements on culture, education, and sports in the future as well as cooperation on the promotion of the study of the Spanish language. Argentine Foreign Secretary Hector Timerman, the first foreign minister from Latin America to visit the Philippines under the administration of President Aquino. Del Rosario and Timerman are to discuss how to broaden the relations and people and cultural engagement between the two countries. Argentina is expected to export citrus to the Philippines.[117]

  • Argentina has an embassy in Manila.
  • Philippines has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 South Korea 15 February 1962 (1962-02-15) [118] See Argentina–South Korea relations

The establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and the Argentine Republic began on 15 February 1962.

 Turkey 1910[121] See Argentina–Turkey relations
 Vietnam 19 September 1995 (1995-09-19)

Europe

[edit]
Country Formal relations began Notes
 Andorra 26 April 1995 See Andorra–Argentina relations
  • Andorra does not have an accreditation to Argentina.
  • Argentina is accredited to Andorra from its embassy in Madrid, Spain.
 Austria 1864 See Argentina–Austria relations
 Bulgaria 1800s
 Croatia 1992-04-13 See Argentina–Croatia relations
  • Argentina is represented in Croatia through its embassy in Vienna, Austria and Argentina has an honorary consulate in Zagreb.
  • Croatia has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Denmark 20 January 1841 (1841-01-20)
 Finland 11 May 1918 See Argentina–Finland relations
 France 1829 See Argentina–France relations
 Germany See Argentina–Germany relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Berlin and consulates-general in Frankfurt and Hamburg.
  • Germany has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Greece See Argentina–Greece relations

At least 30,000 persons of Greek descent live in Argentina with about 5,000 with Greek passports. The majority of Greeks live in Buenos Aires.[132]

  • Argentina has an embassy in Athens.
  • Greece has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Holy See 1940-04-17 See Argentina–Holy See relations
  • Argentina has an embassy to the Holy See located in Rome.
  • The Holy See has a nunciature in Buenos Aires.

Pope John Paul II made two pastoral visits. The first was in June 1982 where he called for an end to the Falklands War.[133] The second was in April 1987 where he lectured on morality.[134][135]

 Hungary See Argentina–Hungary relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Budapest.
  • Hungary has an embassy in Buenos Aires.
 Iceland 1952-04-25

Both countries established diplomatic relations on 25 April 1952.[136]

  • Argentina is accredited to Iceland from its embassy in Oslo, Norway.
  • Iceland is accredited to Argentina from its Ministry of Foreign Affairs in Reykjavík and maintains an honorary consulate in Buenos Aires.
 Ireland 1947-07-29 See Argentina-Ireland relations
 Italy 1855 See Argentina–Italy relations
  • Argentina has an embassy in Rome and a consulate-general in Milan.
  • Italy has an embassy in Buenos Aires and has six consulates in the country.
 Montenegro 13 September 2006 See Argentina–Montenegro relations
  • Argentina recognized Montenegro’s Independence on 23 June 2006.
  • Argentina is accredited to Montenegro from its embassy in Belgrade, Serbia.
  • The Argentine capital Buenos Aires, hosts the only Montenegrin embassy in South America.[138]
 Poland 1920 See Argentina–Poland relations
 Portugal 1812-05-26 See Argentina–Portugal relations
 Russia 1885-10-22
 Serbia See Argentina–Serbia relations

Diplomatic relations between Serbia and Argentina existed before the Second World War and were restored in 1946. Serbia has an embassy in Buenos Aires and Argentina has an embassy in Belgrade. The Ambassador of Serbia to Argentina is Jela Bacovic. The Ambassador of Argentina to Serbia is Mario Eduardo Bossi de Ezcurra.[141]

 Slovenia 1992-04-13
 Spain 1863 See Argentina–Spain relations
  Switzerland 1834 See Argentina–Switzerland relations
 Ukraine 1992-01-06 See Argentina–Ukraine relations
 United Kingdom 1823-12-15 See Argentina–United Kingdom relations

Oceania

[edit]
Country Formal relations began Notes
 Australia

See Argentina–Australia relations

 New Zealand 1984 See Argentina–New Zealand relations

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
  1. ^ Wirth, John. The Oil Business in Latin America. Beard Books, 2001.
  2. ^ "INDEC" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 October 2008. Retrieved 2 October 2008.
  3. ^ Anne Sharp Wells (2013). Historical Dictionary of World War II: The War against Germany and Italy. Scarecrow Press. p. 43. ISBN 9780810879447.
  4. ^ Clarín. 19 April 1995.
  5. ^ See Argentine Historian Luis Alberto Romero (Argentina in the Twentieth Century, Pennsylvania State University Press, translated by James P. Brennan, 1994, ISBN 0-271-02191-8) about the Argentine Government: "By that time, a bellicose current of opinion had arisen among the military and its friend, an attitude rooted in a strain of Argentine nationalism, which drew substance from strong chauvinistic sentiments. Diverse ancient fantasies in society's historical imaginary-the "patria grande", the "spoliation" that the country had suffered- where added to a new fantasy of "entering the first world" through a "strong" foreign policy. All this combined with the traditional messianic military mentality and the ingeniousness of its strategies which were ignorant of the most elemental facts of international politics. The aggression against Chile, stymied by papal mediation, was transferred to Great Britain ..."
  6. ^ See Alejandro Luis Corbacho Predicting the Probability of War during Brinkmanship Crisis: The Beagle and the Malvinas conflicts [1] (p.45): "The newspaper Clarín explained some years later that such caution was based, in part, on military concerns. In order to achieve a victory, certain objectives had to be reached before the seventh day after the attack. Some military leaders considered this not enough time due to the difficulty involved in transportation through the passes over the Andean Mountains. and in cite 46: According to Clarín, two consequences were feared. First, those who were dubious feared a possible regionalization of the conflict. Second, as a consequence, the conflict could acquire great power proportions. In the first case decision makers speculated that Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador and Brazil might intervene. Then the great powers could take sides. In this case, the resolution of the conflict would depend not on the combatants, but on the countries that supplied the weapons.]"
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  8. ^ See notes of Senator (not elected but named by the Armed Forces) Jorge Martínez Bush in La Tercera de Santiago de Chile, 26 July 1998: "El legislador expuso que los chilenos mantienen "muy fresca" en la memoria la situación creada cuando Argentina declaró nulo el arbitraje sobre el canal del Beagle, en 1978." Archived 7 September 2012 at archive.today
  9. ^ See notes of the Chilean Foreign Minister Ignacio Walker, Clarín de B.A., 22 July 2005: "Y está en la retina de los chilenos el laudo de Su Majestad Británica, en el Beagle, que fue declarado insanablemente nulo por la Argentina. Esa impresión todavía está instalada en la sociedad chilena."
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Further reading

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  • Escudé, Carlos. Foreign policy theory in Menem's Argentina (U Press of Florida, 1997)

Historical

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  • Historical Dictionary of Argentina. London: Scarecrow Press, 1978.
  • Ferns, H. S. Britain and Argentina in the nineteenth century (1960) online
  • Francis, Michael J. The limits of hegemony: United States relations with Argentina and Chile during World War II. (University of Notre Dame Press, 1977)
  • Hennessy, Charles Alistair Michael, and John King. The Land that England lost: Argentina and Britain, a special relationship (IB Tauris, 1992).
  • Leonard, Thomas M., and John F. Bratzel, eds. Latin America During World War II (Rowman & Littlefield, 2007)
  • Murray, John. "Britain and Argentina in the Nineteenth Century." Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 49.196 (1960): 420-436. online
  • Rock, David. The British in Argentina: commerce, settlers and power, 1800–2000 (Springer, 2018).
  • Romero, Luis Alberto. A history of Argentina in the twentieth century (2013) online
  • Whitaker, Arthur P. The United States and Argentina (Harvard UP, 1954)

https://doi.org/10.4159/harvard.9780674593640

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