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Black church

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Bethel AME Church in Palatka, Florida.

The "Black Church" (sometimes termed Black Christianity or African American Christianity) typically refers to Protestant Christian denominations and congregations in the United States. The Black Church are individually run churches that primarily reach African American (which included ADOS, Black and Black Adjacent and Tethers) audiences throughout the United States. These churches are typically also led by African Americans Church Leaders which may include but not be limited to roles entitled as; Pastors, Bishops, Elders, Reverend, Apostle).

The number of Black churches in the United States is substantial. According to the Pew Research Center, there are approximately 25,000 Black churches across the country, encompassing a wide range of denominations and independent congregations (Pew Research Center, 2021).[1]

Black churches rose to prominence as a central and necessary figure in the black community in the United States in the 19th century. The first Community led and directed Black church in the United States is generally recognized as the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, which was founded in 1787.The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church was founded in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania on the corner of 6th and Lombard Streets in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The church was initially known as the "Bethel AME Church."

The AME Church was established in Philadelphia by Pastor Richard Allen and other Black congregants who left St. George's Methodist Episcopal Church due to racial discrimination. It should be noted that "Black Church" and "Black Congregation" are not synonymous.

  • Black Church: This term generally refers to the entire institutional and organizational structure of a religious denomination or congregation that is predominantly or exclusively Black. It encompasses the church's doctrines, practices, leadership, and its role within the broader African American community. Examples include denominations like the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, the National Baptist Convention, and the Church of God in Christ (COGIC). The term "Black church" can also signify the historical and cultural significance of these institutions within the African American community.
  • Black Congregation: This term refers specifically to a group of individuals who gather for worship and other religious activities within a particular church or place of worship. A Black congregation can be part of any church denomination, and its members are predominantly Black. The focus here is on the community of worshippers rather than the broader institutional structure of the church.

While most black congregations belong to predominantly African American Protestant denominations, such as the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), Church of God in Christ (COGIC), or National Baptist Convention related churches, some affiliate with predominantly white Protestant denominations such as the United Church of Christ (which developed from the Congregational Church of New England), integrated denominations such as the Church of God, or are independent congregations.[2][3] There are also Black Catholic churches.[4]

THE CHURCH DURING CHATTEL SLAVERY

During the era of slavery in the United States, many slave owners strategically used Black churches and Black preachers to propagate messages of obedience, submission, and compliance among enslaved people. This was part of a larger system of control that sought to use religion as a tool to maintain the institution of slavery.[5][6][7]

Slave owners often introduced Christianity to enslaved Africans, selectively emphasizing biblical teachings that they believed justified slavery and encouraged submission to masters. Scriptures such as Ephesians 6:5 ("Slaves, obey your earthly masters with respect and fear...") and Colossians 3:22 were frequently cited to reinforce the idea that slavery was divinely sanctioned.[8][9]

By promoting obedience to slave owners as a religious duty, the slaveholding class aimed to weaken resistance and instill a sense of resignation and passivity among enslaved people.

Many slave owners either established or closely monitored Black churches and religious gatherings.[10] They often preferred to have Black preachers who were seen as loyal to their interests, or who would convey messages that encouraged enslaved people to accept their condition as a part of God's plan[11]. Sometimes slave owners would sometimes appoint or endorse[12] During this period Black preachers who were known to preach messages of compliance and avoid topics that could inspire rebellion or resistance.

In some cases, white overseers or ministers would attend or lead services to ensure that the content was in line with their interests,[13] emphasizing themes such as humility, obedience, and the rewards of the afterlife over earthly resistance or liberation

THE BLACK CHURCH DURING RECONSTRUCTION

The Reconstruction period in the United States lasted from 1865 to 1877. It began after the end of the Civil War and the assassination of President Abraham Lincoln, and it concluded with the end of military occupation in the South and the withdrawal of federal troops, marking the beginning of the Jim Crow era. The Reconstruction period had a significant impact on Black churches in the United States, affecting their integration, freedom of speech, and overall role in African American communities.

During Reconstruction, Black churches gained increased autonomy and were able to establish their own institutions and denominations independent of white oversight. This period saw the foundation of several significant Black denominations, such as the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, the National Baptist Convention, and the Christian Methodist Episcopal (CME) Church.[14]

  • Freedom of Expression: Black churches became platforms for political and social activism, advocating for civil rights and social justice. Leaders like Richard Allen, Frederick Douglass, and others used the pulpit to address issues of racial inequality and injustice.
  • Advocacy: The churches played a crucial role in mobilizing African Americans to exercise their newly gained rights, such as voting and holding office, and in challenging discriminatory practices.[13]

During and after the Reconstruction period, Black churches experienced acts of harassment and violence. These incidents were primarily driven by white supremacist groups like Ku Klux Klan (KKK); White League and Red Shirts; Local Vigilante Groups and individuals who sought to undermine the progress made by African Americans and reassert white dominance.[15]

The first documented incident of church vandalism or bombing targeting Black churches was in 1869. The Zion Baptist Church in Petersburg, Virginia, was attacked and set on fire by white supremacists. This act of vandalism was part of a broader pattern of violence aimed at Black institutions and communities during the Reconstruction era. Black churches were targeted because they were centers of political and social organization for African Americans. By attacking these institutions, perpetrators sought to suppress Black activism and assert white dominance.[13]

These newly established Black churches developed unique communities and worship practices[16] [17]that set them apart from other congregations, blending Christian worship with elements of African spiritual traditions. They became pivotal centers of community life, serving as training grounds[18] for local leaders, schools, and hubs for social welfare activities. In addition to providing aid to the needy, these churches went on to establish orphanages and prison ministries, further expanding their role in addressing social needs.[19]

As a result, black churches were particularly important during the Civil Rights movement.[20][21][22]

The Intersection Social issues & The Black Church

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Early on, Black churches served as crucial safe havens against violence and instability for African American communities and the black church today continues to be a source of support for members of the African-American community.

Black churches offer a secure environment where African Americans can gather, worship, and organize community mobilization efforts without the threat of immediate violence from outside groups. These churches became safe spaces where members could discuss the unique social, political, and economic issues specifically affecting the lives of black people living in the United States of America as a result of systemically implemented and applied discriminatory Jim Crow Laws and other forms of social apartheid.

Black churches were, and still are instrumental in developing and nurturing community leaders who could advocate for civil rights and social change. These leaders often used the church as a base for organizing political and social activities. W.E.B. Du Bois (1868-1963), Thurgood Marshall (1908-1993) & Maya Angelou (1928-2014) are all examples of prominent African Americans that had strong affiliations with their Church that went on to achieve social success and community advancement.

Today many black churches in America focus on social issues such as poverty, gang violence, drug use, prison ministries and racism. A study in 1996 found that black Christians were more likely to have heard about health care reform from their pastors than were white Christians.[23] Black churches often host voter registration drives, encouraging congregants to register to vote and providing assistance with the registration process. Churches often host public forums and debates with political candidates, allowing community members to engage directly with those running for office. This helps to raise awareness about candidates' positions on issues relevant to the Black community.

BLACK COMMUNITY ACTIVISTS & "LEADERS"

the evolution of Black community activists and leaders from Martin Luther King Jr. to the present. This will involve exploring the roles of various figures and how personal ambition and leadership dynamics have shaped their impact.

Martin Luther King Jr. and Early Leaders

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Martin Luther King Jr. was a pivotal figure in the Civil Rights Movement, known for his philosophy of nonviolent protest and his leadership in organizing major events like the March on Washington in 1963. Alongside him, there were several key pastors and leaders who played significant roles:

  1. Ralph Abernathy - A close friend and confidant of MLK, Abernathy was a co-founder of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) and a crucial organizer of the Montgomery Bus Boycott. He continued to advocate for civil rights after MLK’s assassination.
  2. Fred Shuttlesworth - An outspoken pastor and leader in the civil rights struggle in Birmingham, Alabama. Shuttlesworth's activism was instrumental in challenging segregation and violence in the South.
  3. Benjamin Mays - A mentor to MLK, Mays was a prominent pastor and educator who influenced King’s theological and philosophical outlook.
  4. C. K. Steele - Another important leader in the movement, Steele was active in the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and was involved in organizing protests and advocating for civil rights.

Passing the Torch

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After the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1968, the leadership of the civil rights movement began to transition, with several new figures emerging. Two prominent leaders who rose to prominence were Jesse Jackson Jr. and Al Sharpton. Both made significant contributions to the ongoing struggle for racial justice, but their leadership styles and the outcomes of their efforts have sparked debate regarding the effectiveness and impact of their activism.

Jesse Jackson Jr.

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Pros:

  • Economic Justice and Political Advocacy: Jackson built on the foundation laid by MLK, focusing on issues like economic justice and voting rights. His work with Operation PUSH and later the Rainbow/PUSH Coalition aimed to address systemic economic disparities and promote political engagement.
  • Global Human Rights: Jackson also expanded his focus to international issues, advocating for human rights globally and bringing attention to the plight of marginalized communities around the world.

Cons:

  • Political and Personal Controversies: Jackson’s career has been marred by various controversies, including legal troubles and allegations of personal misconduct. These issues sometimes overshadowed his activism and raised questions about his commitment to the causes he championed.
  • Limited Structural Impact: Despite his efforts, critics argue that Jackson’s work did not always translate into substantial structural changes or widespread advancement for the Black community. This has led to debates about whether his leadership effectively addressed the root causes of economic and social inequalities.

Al Sharpton

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Pros:

  • Confrontational Approach: Sharpton’s activism, particularly in the 1980s and 1990s, brought significant attention to issues like police brutality and racial injustice. His willingness to confront powerful institutions and challenge systemic racism made him a prominent voice for marginalized communities.
  • Media Savvy: Sharpton’s ability to use media effectively helped to spotlight racial issues and mobilize public opinion, contributing to increased awareness and dialogue on important social issues.

Cons:

  • Polarizing Style: Sharpton’s confrontational and often polarizing style of activism has been criticized for sometimes exacerbating tensions rather than fostering constructive dialogue. His approach can be divisive, which some argue undermines broader coalition-building efforts.
  • Focus on High-Profile Cases: Critics argue that Sharpton’s focus on high-profile cases and controversies may detract from addressing systemic issues and building long-term solutions. His activism has sometimes been seen as reactive rather than proactive, leading to questions about its overall impact.

Louis Farrakhan and Personal Ambition

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Louis Farrakhan, leader of the Nation of Islam, is a controversial figure. His leadership style and rhetoric differ significantly from those of earlier civil rights leaders. Farrakhan has been criticized for his divisive statements but praised by some for his emphasis on Black self-sufficiency and empowerment. His approach has sometimes been seen as more self-serving, reflecting a different kind of personal ambition and community focus.

Personal Ambition and Leadership Dynamics

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As the civil rights movement evolved, personal ambition began to play a more prominent role. Leaders like Jackson and Sharpton, while continuing the struggle for racial justice, also navigated complex political landscapes and pursued personal and political careers. This shift sometimes led to tensions between grassroots activism and political aspirations, influencing how effectively they could address systemic issues.

Debate on Advancement Over the Last 50 Years

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The ongoing debate about the effectiveness of these leaders and their successors often centers on the perceived lack of substantial advancement in the Black community over the past 50 years. Critics argue that despite the efforts of prominent activists, systemic issues such as economic inequality, educational disparities, and criminal justice reform have not seen significant improvement. They suggest that if these leaders had been more effective in their roles, there might be greater progress and tangible results by now.

On the other hand, supporters of these leaders point out that the challenges facing the Black community are deeply entrenched and complex, and that the efforts of Jackson, Sharpton, and others have made meaningful contributions to raising awareness and effecting incremental change. They argue that progress often occurs in small steps and that the impact of activism can be difficult to measure in the short term

In contemporary times, the focus has shifted to a broader range of issues, including economic inequality, criminal justice reform, and intersectionality. The personal ambitions of modern leaders can sometimes seem at odds with the collective goals of the movement, reflecting the challenges of maintaining a unified vision while navigating personal and political goals.

The Intersection White Social Issues & The Black Church

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Throughout history, various white individuals and institutions have sought to access the significant voting blocs represented by Black churches, recognizing their influence in shaping political and social landscapes. From the early 20th century to the present, attempts have been made to gain favor with Black church leaders through financial support, policy incentives, and strategic alliances.

These efforts often involved manipulating or co-opting the church's moral authority and community reach to serve broader political or social agendas. While some of these attempts aimed to address genuine social issues, others sought to exploit the church’s influence for partisan gain, reflecting a complex interplay between political strategy and the pursuit of civil rights and social justice. This historical pattern underscores the profound impact that Black churches have had on American political life and highlights the ongoing challenges in navigating this intersection. Some Examples Include;

Margaret Sanger: The founder of Planned Parenthood, Sanger advocated for birth control and reproductive health, but her efforts also included eugenicist views that sought to control the population of marginalized groups, including African Americans. Sanger attempted to influence Black leaders and pastors by presenting birth control as a tool for social uplift, while also promoting eugenics-based policies that had detrimental effects on Black communities.

  • Promote Birth Control: Sanger aimed to advance the use of birth control as a means of improving public health and reducing poverty.
    • The Negro Project was an initiative launched in the 1930s by Margaret Sanger, the founder of Planned Parenthood, aimed at addressing the high rates of maternal and infant mortality among African Americans through birth control and family planning.
      • Sanger's eugenicist views, which advocated for selective breeding to improve the human race, were a significant part of the project’s framework.
  • Influence Black Leaders: She sought to gain support from Black pastors and community leaders by presenting birth control as a tool for social uplift, despite her underlying eugenicist views.
  • Advance Eugenics Agenda: Sanger’s broader goal was to promote eugenics, which involved controlling population growth among marginalized groups, including African Americans, to align with her vision of improving societal health.

J. Edgar Hoover: As the director of the FBI, Hoover sought to discredit and neutralize civil rights leaders and activists, including influential Black pastors, through surveillance and public smear campaigns. His efforts aimed to maintain the status quo and limit the progress of the civil rights movement.

  • Undermine Civil Rights Leaders: Hoover aimed to discredit and neutralize civil rights leaders and activists, including influential Black pastors, through surveillance and public smear campaigns.
  • Promote Law and Order: Hoover sought to promote his vision of law and order, which often involved targeting and undermining those advocating for racial justice and social change.
  • Control Public Narrative: By influencing and manipulating public perception of Black leaders, Hoover aimed to maintain the status quo and limit the progress of the civil rights movement.

The Intersection of Mainstream Politics & The Black Church

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White politicians often visit large Black churches during election seasons as part of their strategy to garner support from African American voters. These visits can serve as a means of outreach and a gesture of solidarity with the Black community. However, typically once the election is over, these politicians sometimes fail to maintain their engagement or address the issues they discussed during their visits. Some notable examples are; Ronald Reagan, George Bush & Joe Biden.

  • Church Visited: Ebenezer Baptist Church, Atlanta, Georgia (January 20, 1983)

Promises Made:

  1. Support for the Martin Luther King Jr. Holiday: Reagan expressed support for the establishment of Martin Luther King Jr. Day as a federal holiday.
  2. Economic Opportunities: Promised to enhance economic opportunities for African Americans through economic policies that would create jobs and promote business growth.
  3. Crime Prevention: Pledged to address crime in inner-city neighborhoods by increasing funding for police and community safety programs.

Follow-Through:

  1. Martin Luther King Jr. Holiday: Reagan signed the bill establishing Martin Luther King Jr. Day as a federal holiday in 1983. This promise was fulfilled and remains a significant achievement of his presidency. It should also be noted that Reagan vetoed Civil Rights Restoration Act of 1987, which aimed to restore civil rights protections that had been weakened by the Supreme Court’s decision in Grove City College v. Bell (1984). Congress overrode his veto, and the Act expanded the scope of civil rights protections to all programs receiving federal funding.
  2. Economic Opportunities: While Reagan's administration implemented economic policies aimed at reducing inflation and fostering economic growth, these policies were criticized for disproportionately benefiting the wealthy and not sufficiently addressing the economic disparities faced by the Black community. Reagan became synonymous with "Reaganomics" an economic theory often associated with supply-side economics, which posits that economic growth can be stimulated by lowering taxes for the wealthy of society and decreasing regulation, on businesses the impact will be an increase in production, which creates jobs.[1]
    1. It should be noted: The unemployment rate for Black Americans remained persistently higher than that for White Americans throughout Reagan's presidency. Structural issues and economic policies of the time did not effectively address the systemic barriers facing Black workers.[25]
  3. Crime Prevention: Reagan's administration did increase funding for law enforcement, but his policies also contributed to the escalation of the War on Drugs, which disproportionately affected Black communities[26].[27] [28] Critics argue that the approach to crime prevention did not effectively address the root causes of crime or support community-based solutions.
    1. It should be noted : Today with the opioid crises largely affecting white communities, white drug addicts typically receive comprehensive medical and psychological treatment, supported by a shift towards viewing addiction as a health issue rather than a crime. This contrasts sharply with the 1980s, when Black drug addicts faced harsh criminalization and mass incarceration due to punitive drug laws and systemic inequities. The era’s focus was on legal penalties rather than rehabilitation, resulting in limited access to treatment for marginalized communities.[2]

George W. Bush

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  • Church Visited: Shiloh Baptist Church, Washington, D.C. (January 11, 2004)

Promises Made:

  1. Faith-Based Initiatives: Promised to support faith-based initiatives to provide social services and improve conditions in inner-city communities.
  2. Economic Growth: Committed to promoting economic growth and job creation, particularly in underserved communities.
  3. Education Reform: Pledged to improve education in Black communities through increased funding and reform initiatives.

Follow-Through:

  1. Faith-Based Initiatives: Bush implemented the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, which sought to increase federal support for faith-based organizations providing social services. However, critics argue that the impact on Black communities was mixed, with some organizations benefiting while others faced challenges.
  2. Economic Growth: While Bush's administration focused on tax cuts and economic policies aimed at growth, the benefits were often seen as favoring higher-income individuals and did not fully address disparities faced by the Black community. Similar policy and results as Reagan/Reaganomics
  3. Education Reform: The No Child Left Behind Act aimed to reform education and increase accountability. While it provided more funding for schools, it also faced criticism for its emphasis on standardized testing and the unintended consequences of high-stakes testing on schools in Black communities.

Joe Biden

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  • Church Visited: Union Baptist Church, Wilmington, Delaware (October 30, 2020)

Promises Made:

  1. Police Reform: Promised to implement police reform to address systemic racism and improve policing practices.
  2. Economic Relief: Pledged to provide economic relief and support for Black-owned businesses affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and economic downturn.
  3. Voting Rights: Committed to advancing voting rights legislation to protect and expand access to voting for marginalized communities.

Follow-Through:

  1. Police Reform: Biden's administration proposed the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act to address police misconduct and systemic racism. However, the legislation faced significant opposition in Congress and has not been fully enacted.
  2. Economic Relief: Biden’s administration provided economic relief through measures such as the American Rescue Plan, which included support for businesses and direct aid to individuals. The impact on Black-owned businesses was positive but mixed, with ongoing challenges in ensuring equitable access to relief resources.
  3. Voting Rights: Biden supported voting rights legislation, including the For the People Act and the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act. However, these bills faced significant challenges in Congress and were not passed in their entirety.

For the People Act (H.R. 1 / S. 1)

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Goal: The For the People Act aimed to expand voting rights by implementing comprehensive election reform. It sought to enhance election security, reduce the influence of money in politics, increase voter registration and access, and standardize election practices across states.

House of Representatives:

  • Yea: 220 Democrats, 1 Republican
  • Nay: 207 Republicans, 2 Democrats

Senate:

  • Yea: 50 Democrats (including independents who caucus with Democrats), 0 Republicans
  • Nay: 50 Republicans, 1 Democrat (Joe Manchin)

John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act (H.R. 4 / S. 4)

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Goal: The John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act sought to restore and strengthen provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that had been weakened by Supreme Court decisions.The provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that were weakened by Supreme Court decisions include:

  • Shelby County v. Holder (2013) Impact: This decision invalidated the formula used to determine which jurisdictions required federal approval (preclearance) before changing their voting laws. The Court's ruling effectively eliminated the preclearance requirement, which had been a key tool for preventing discriminatory voting practices.
  • Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee (2021) Impact: This decision upheld certain state election laws that were challenged as discriminatory, including restrictions on ballot collection and out-of-precinct voting. The ruling made it more difficult to prove that voting laws are discriminatory, which affected the enforcement of voting rights protections.

It aimed to address voter suppression and ensure fair access to the ballot by updating the preclearance process and enforcing protections against discriminatory voting practices.

House of Representatives:

  • Yea: 219 Democrats, 1 Republican
  • Nay: 208 Republicans, 1 Democrat

The likelihood of following through on promises made to the Black community can vary between parties and is influenced by a range of factors. Historically, Democrats have been more likely to advocate for policies aimed at addressing racial inequities and supporting civil rights, with a track record that includes landmark legislation like the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. However, their promises are sometimes not fully realized due to political obstacles or internal disagreements.

Republicans have approached racial issues differently, with some leaders supporting initiatives like criminal justice reform and economic empowerment, though they have faced criticism on issues like voting rights and systemic racism. Ultimately, the extent to which either party follows through on their promises depends on political will, legislative majorities, and broader socio-political contexts, with individual members playing a significant role in shaping the outcomes.

The Intersection Money & The Black Church

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African American Population

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As of the latest estimates (2024) , there are approximately 46 million African Americans in the United States, accounting for about 14% of the total U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2023).

Black Adjacent Population

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The term "Black adjacent" refers to individuals who are racially or culturally close to the Black community but may not be Black themselves. This includes people of mixed race or those with significant cultural connections to the Black community. Estimates suggest there are around 10 million Black adjacent individuals in the U.S., though this number can vary depending on definitions and inclusivity criteria (Pew Research Center, 2023).

Black churches receive significant financial support through tithes and offerings. On average, these churches collectively receive around $2.3 billion in annual tithes and contributions. This figure reflects the strong tradition of tithing and financial support within the Black church community (National Congregations Study, 2020)[3]

If only 10-15% of the annual tithes collected by Black churches, which totals approximately $230-$345 million, were pooled into a national fund and professionally managed by an accredited accounting firm, the potential impact on key social issues could be substantial. This fund could address critical areas such as college tuition, school readiness programs, job retraining, and school tutoring, as opposed to the Black Community in America waiting for government to help or respond to social infrastructure needed for black growth and advancement.

If 50% of the 10% collected annually by Black churches—approximately $115-$172.5 million—were allocated equally among key social issues, each program would receive a substantial share of approximately $23-$34.5 million. Here’s how this allocation could impact each area:

  • Scholarships and Grants: With $23-$34.5 million, around 575 to 863 students could receive full scholarships, significantly lowering the barriers to higher education.
  • School Readiness Programs: Investing $23-$34.5 million in early childhood education could benefit approximately 7,667 to 11,500 children, ensuring they start school well-prepared.
  • Job Retraining Initiatives: Allocating $23-$34.5 million to job retraining programs could support around 5,750 to 8,625 adults seeking career transitions, fostering economic mobility and resilience.
  • Trade Program Training: An investment of $23-$34.5 million could provide vocational and trade training for about 4,600 to 6,900 individuals, equipping them with skills for high-demand jobs.
  • Mental Health Services: With $23-$34.5 million dedicated to mental health support, approximately 23,000 to 34,500 individuals could access essential mental health services, addressing critical needs and improving overall well-being.
  • School Tutoring Programs: Investing $23-$34.5 million in tutoring initiatives could support around 19,167 to 28,750 students, enhancing academic performance and helping to close achievement gaps.

The remaining funds would be retained in the national fund to grow and provide support for future programs, ensuring sustained impact and long-term benefits for the community. This equitable distribution could drive significant improvements in education, career development, and mental health, creating a positive ripple effect across various areas of need.

With careful management and strategic distribution, this fund could effectively tackle these issues, driving systemic change and enhancing opportunities for countless individuals within the Black community and beyond. The accumulated interest and the strategic deployment of these resources could lead to meaningful improvements in educational attainment and economic stability, creating a ripple effect of positive change across communities.

Many people have begun to question why there isn't greater unity and cohesiveness among Black pastors and churches in working together to fund national programs that address critical issues for the Black community. Despite the substantial financial resources generated through tithes and offerings, there remains a noticeable lack of coordinated effort to pool these funds for large-scale, impactful initiatives such as scholarships, school readiness programs, job retraining, trade program training, and mental health services.

The absence of a unified approach raises concerns about missed opportunities for leveraging collective resources to drive systemic change and enhance community well-being. The fragmentation among churches and leaders in addressing these issues highlights a broader challenge in harnessing the full potential of religious and community organizations to effect meaningful and widespread progress.

African American Population

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As of the latest estimates (2024) , there are approximately 46 million African Americans in the United States, accounting for about 14% of the total U.S. population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2023).

Black Adjacent Population

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The term "Black adjacent" refers to individuals who are racially or culturally close to the Black community but may not be Black themselves. This includes people of mixed race or those with significant cultural connections to the Black community. Estimates suggest there are around 10 million Black adjacent individuals in the U.S., though this number can vary depending on definitions and inclusivity criteria (Pew Research Center, 2023).

Demographic Breakdown

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  • Men: Approximately 48% of the African American population are men.
  • Women: About 52% are women.
  • Children: Around 30% of African Americans are under the age of 18 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2023).

Church Attendance

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  • African Americans: Church attendance among African Americans remains relatively high. Surveys indicate that approximately 70% of African Americans attend church regularly, reflecting a strong tradition of religious involvement (Pew Research Center, 2022).
  • Black Adjacent Individuals: Church attendance among Black adjacent individuals varies. Those with a strong cultural or familial connection to the Black community are more likely to attend Black churches, but overall attendance rates can be lower compared to African Americans due to diverse religious practices and affiliations. For example, about 40-50% of Black adjacent individuals attend church regularly, with varying levels of involvement in Black churches specifically (Pew Research Center, 2022).

Adjacency and Church Attendance

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Black adjacent individuals may or may not attend Black churches. Those with a closer cultural or familial connection are more likely to participate in Black churches, while others might attend churches that reflect their own cultural or religious backgrounds. This variance highlights how church attendance is influenced by personal, cultural, and familial ties, which can impact the extent of involvement in the Black church community.

The Intersection of LGBTQ Initiatives & The Black Church

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Most surveys indicate that while blacks tend to vote Democratic in elections, members of traditionally African-American churches are generally more socially conservative than white Protestants as a whole.[29] Same-sex marriage and other LGBT issues have been among the leading causes for activism in some black churches;[30] though a majority of black Protestants remained opposed to same-sex marriage as of 2015,[31] support grew to a majority of both black Protestant and black Catholic respondents in later surveys.[32][33][34] Nevertheless, some denominations have been discussing this issue. For example, the African Methodist Episcopal Church prohibits its ministers from officiating same-sex weddings, but it does not have a clear policy on ordination.[35]

Some members of the black clergy have not accepted same-sex marriage. A group known as the Coalition of African American Pastors (CAAP), maintains their disdain for gay marriage. The CAAP president, Reverend William Owens, claims that the marriage equality act will cause corruption within the United States. The organization insists that a real union is between a man and a woman. They also believe that the law prohibiting gay marriage should have been upheld. The CAAP members agree that the Supreme Court had no right to overturn the constitutional ruling.[36]

History

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Slavery

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African American Baptist Church, Silver Hill Plantation, Georgetown County, South Carolina

There is evidence of Christian practice and "specific dedicated places for worship[pers]" called praise houses from before the first organized black denominations.[37]

Evangelical Baptist and Methodist preachers traveled throughout the South in the Great Awakening of the late 18th century. They appealed directly to slaves, and a few thousand slaves converted. Black individuals found opportunities to have active roles in new congregations, especially in the Baptist Church, where slaves were appointed as leaders and preachers. (They were excluded from such roles in the Anglican or Episcopal Church.) As they listened to readings, slaves developed their own interpretations of the Scriptures and found inspiration in stories of deliverance, such as the Exodus out of Egypt. Nat Turner, an enslaved Baptist preacher, was inspired to armed rebellion against slavery, in an uprising that killed about 50 white people in Virginia.[38]

Both free blacks and the more numerous slaves participated in the earliest black Baptist congregations founded near Petersburg, Virginia, Savannah, Georgia, and Lexington, Kentucky, before 1800. The slaves Peter Durrett and his wife founded the First African Church (now known as First African Baptist Church) in Lexington, Kentucky about 1790.[39] The church's trustees purchased its first property in 1815. The congregation numbered about 290 by the time of Durrett's death in 1823.[39]

The First African Baptist Church had its beginnings in 1817 when John Mason Peck and the former enslaved John Berry Meachum began holding church services for African Americans in St. Louis.[40] Meachum founded the First African Baptist Church in 1827. It was the first African-American church west of the Mississippi River. Although there were ordinances preventing blacks from assembling, the congregation grew from 14 people at its founding to 220 people by 1829. Two hundred of the parishioners were slaves, who could only travel to the church and attend services with the permission of their owners.[41]

Following slave revolts in the early 19th century, including Nat Turner's Rebellion in 1831, Virginia passed a law requiring black congregations to meet only in the presence of a white minister. Other states similarly restricted exclusively black churches or the assembly of blacks in large groups unsupervised by whites. Nevertheless, the black Baptist congregations in the cities grew rapidly and their members numbered several hundred each before the Civil War (see next section). While mostly led by free blacks, most of their members were slaves.

African American churches during slavery were held in secret locations called hush harbors.[42]

In plantation areas, slaves organized underground churches and hidden religious meetings, the "invisible church", where slaves were free to mix evangelical Christianity with African beliefs and African rhythms. With the time, many incorporated Wesleyan Methodist hymns, gospel songs, and spirituals.[43] The underground churches provided psychological refuge from the white world. The spirituals gave the church members a secret way to communicate and, in some cases, to plan a rebellion.

Slaves also learned about Christianity by attending services led by a white preacher or supervised by a white person. Slaveholders often held prayer meetings at their plantations. In the South until the Great Awakening, most slaveholders were Anglican if they practiced any Christianity. Although in the early years of the First Great Awakening, Methodist and Baptist preachers argued for manumission of slaves and abolition, by the early decades of the 19th century, they often had found ways to support the institution. In settings where whites supervised worship and prayer, they used Bible stories that reinforced people's keeping to their places in society, urging slaves to be loyal and to obey their masters. In the 19th century, Methodist and Baptist chapels were founded among many of the smaller communities and common planters.[44]

During the early decades of the 19th century, they used stories such as the Curse of Ham to justify slavery to themselves.[44] They promoted the idea that loyal and hard-working slaves would be rewarded in the afterlife. Sometimes slaves established their own Sabbath schools to talk about the Scriptures.[citation needed] Slaves who were literate tried to teach others to read, as Frederick Douglass did while still enslaved as a young man in Maryland.

"Wade in the water." A postcard of a river baptism in New Bern, North Carolina, around 1900.

Free blacks

[edit]

Free blacks in both northern and southern cities formed their own congregations and churches before the end of the 18th century. They organized independent black congregations and churches[45] to practice religion apart from white oversight.[46] Along with white churches opposed to slavery, free blacks in Philadelphia provided aid and comfort to slaves who escaped and helped all new arrivals adjust to city life.[47]

In 1787 in Philadelphia, the black church was born out of protest and revolutionary reaction to racism. Resenting being relegated to a segregated gallery at St. George's Methodist Church, Methodist preachers Absalom Jones and Richard Allen, and other black members, left the church and formed the Free African Society. It was at first non-denominational and provided mutual aid to the free black community. Over time, Jones began to lead Episcopal services there. He led most of its members to create the African Church, in the Episcopal tradition. (Butler 2000, DuBois 1866).[citation needed]

In the fall of 1792, several black leaders attending services at St. George's Methodist Church and had recently helped to expand the church. The black churchgoers were told to sit upstairs in the new gallery. When they mistakenly sat in an area not designated for blacks, they were forcibly removed from the seats they had helped build. According to Allen, "...we all went out of the church in one body, and they were no longer plagued by us". While he and Jones led different denominations, they continued to work closely together and with the black community in Philadelphia.... It was accepted as a parish and on July 17, 1794, became the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas. In 1804 Jones was the first black priest ordained in the Episcopal Church. (Butler 2000, DuBois 1866).

Richard Allen, a Methodist preacher, wanted to continue with the Methodist tradition. He built a congregation and founded the Bethel African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME). By July 29, 1794, they also had a building ready for their worship. The church adopted the slogan: "To Seek for Ourselves." In recognition of his leadership and preaching, in 1799 Bishop Francis Asbury ordained Allen as a Methodist minister. Allen and the AME Church were active in antislavery campaigns, fought racism in the North, and promoted education, starting schools for black children.

Finding that other black congregations in the region were also seeking independence from white control, in 1816 Allen organized a new denomination, the African Methodist Episcopal Church, the first fully independent black denomination. He was elected its first bishop in 1816. While he and Jones led different denominations, they continued to work closely together and with the black community in Philadelphia. Soon thereafter, Allen. Jones, and others began soliciting funds, again with the help of Rush. Their appeals met with resistance from white church leaders, many of whom had been supportive of the black community, but disapproved of a separate black church.

Petersburg, Virginia had two of the oldest black congregations in the country, both organized before 1800 as a result of the Great Awakening: First Baptist Church (1774) and Gillfield Baptist Church (1797). Each congregation moved from rural areas into Petersburg into their own buildings in the early 19th century. Their two black Baptist congregations were the first of that denomination in the city and they grew rapidly.[48][49][50]

In Savannah, Georgia, a black Baptist congregation was organized by 1777, by George Liele. A former slave, he had been converted by ordained Baptist minister Matthew Moore. His early preaching was encouraged by his master, Henry Sharp. Sharp, a Baptist deacon and Loyalist, freed Liele before the American Revolutionary War began. Liele had been preaching to slaves on plantations, but made his way to Savannah, where he organized a congregation.[51] After 1782, when Liele left the city with the British, Andrew Bryan led what became known as the First African Baptist Church. By 1800 the church had 700 members, and by 1830 it had grown to more than 2400 members. Soon it generated two new black congregations in the city.[52]

Before 1850, First African Baptist in Lexington, Kentucky grew to 1,820 members, making it the largest congregation in that state. This was under its second pastor, Rev. London Ferrill, a free black,[53] and occurred as Lexington was expanding rapidly as a city. First African Baptist was admitted to the Elkhorn Baptist Association in 1824, where it came somewhat under oversight of white congregations. In 1841, Saint Augustine Catholic Church was established by the Creole community of New Orleans. This church is the oldest black Catholic parish in the United States. In 1856, First African Baptist built a large Italianate church, which was added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1986.[54] By 1861 the congregation numbered 2,223 members.[55]

Reconstruction

[edit]
Outside of a black church in Little Rock, Arkansas, 1935.
Church goers in Heard County, Georgia, 1941.

After emancipation, Northern churches founded by free blacks, as well as those of predominantly white denominations, sent missions to the South to minister to newly freed slaves, including to teach them to read and write. For instance, Bishop Daniel Payne of the AME Church returned to Charleston, South Carolina in April 1865 with nine missionaries. He organized committees, associations and teachers to reach freedmen throughout the countryside. In the first year after the war, the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church gained 50,000 congregants.[56]

By the end of Reconstruction, AME congregations existed from Florida to Texas. Their missioners and preachers had brought more than 250,000 new adherents into the church. While it had a northern base, the church was heavily influenced by this growth in the South and incorporation of many members who had different practices and traditions.[57] Similarly, within the first decade, the independent AME Zion church, founded in New York, also gained tens of thousands of Southern members. These two independent black denominations attracted the most new members in the South.[58]

In 1870 in Jackson, Tennessee, with support from white colleagues of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, more than 40 black Southern ministers, all freedmen and former slaves, met to establish the Southern-based Colored Methodist Episcopal (CME) Church (now Christian Methodist Episcopal Church), founded as an independent branch of Methodism. They took their mostly black congregations with them. They adopted the Methodist Doctrine and elected their first two bishops, William H. Miles of Kentucky and Richard H. Vanderhorst of South Carolina.[58][59] Within three years, from a base of about 40,000, they had grown to 67,000 members, and more than ten times that many in 50 years.[60]

The Church of God, with its beginnings in 1881, held that "interracial worship was a sign of the true Church", with both whites and blacks ministering regularly in Church of God congregations, which invited people of all races to worship there.[2] Those who were entirely sanctified testified that they were "saved, sanctified, and prejudice removed."[2] When Church of God ministers, such as Lena Shoffner, visited the camp meetings of other denominations, the rope in the congregation that separated whites and blacks was untied "and worshipers of both races approached the altar to pray".[2] Though outsiders would sometimes attack Church of God services and camp meetings for their stand for racial equality, Church of God members were "undeterred even by violence" and "maintained their strong interracial position as the core of their message of the unity of all believers".[2]

At the same time, black Baptist churches, well-established before the Civil War, continued to grow and add new congregations. With the rapid growth of black Baptist churches in the South, in 1895 church officials organized a new Baptist association, the National Baptist Convention. This was the unification of three national black conventions, organized in 1880 and the 1890s. It brought together the areas of mission, education and overall cooperation. Despite founding of new black conventions in the early and later 20th century, this is still the largest black religious organization in the United States.[38] These churches blended elements from underground churches with elements from freely established black churches.[45]

The postwar years were marked by a separatist impulse as blacks exercised the right to move and gather beyond white supervision or control. They developed black churches, benevolent societies, fraternal orders and fire companies.[61] In some areas they moved from farms into towns, as in middle Tennessee, or to cities that needed rebuilding, such as Atlanta. Black churches were the focal points of black communities, and their members' quickly seceding from white churches demonstrated their desire to manage their own affairs independently of white supervision. It also showed the prior strength of the "invisible church" hidden from white eyes.[62]

Black preachers provided leadership, encouraged education and economic growth, and were often the primary link between the black and white communities.[citation needed] The black church established and/or maintained the first black schools and encouraged community members to fund these schools and other public services.[45] For most black leaders, the churches always were connected to political goals of advancing the race. There grew to be a tension between black leaders from the North and people in the South who wanted to run their churches and worship in their own way.[63]

Since the male hierarchy denied them opportunities for ordination, middle-class women in the black church asserted themselves in other ways: they organized missionary societies to address social issues. These societies provided job training and reading education, worked for better living conditions, raised money for African missions, wrote religious periodicals, and promoted Victorian ideals of womanhood, respectability, and racial uplift.[38]

Civil Rights movement

[edit]
Ralph David Abernathy was a Baptist minister involved in the American Civil Rights Movement.

Black churches held a leadership role in the American Civil Rights Movement. Their history as a centers of strength for the black community made them natural leaders in this moral struggle. In addition they had often served as links between the black and white worlds. Notable minister-activists of the 1950s and 1960s included Martin Luther King Jr., Ralph David Abernathy, Bernard Lee, Fred Shuttlesworth, Wyatt Tee Walker and C. T. Vivian.[64][65]

Black Power movement

[edit]

After the assassination of Dr. King in 1968, Black Catholics began organizing en masse, beginning with the clergy that April. A Black Catholic revolution soon broke out, fostering the integration of the traditions of the larger (Protestant) Black Church into Black Catholic parishes. Soon there were organizations formed for Black religious sisters (1968), permanent deacons, seminarians, and a brand-new National Black Catholic Congress organization in 1987, reviving the late 19th-century iteration of the same. This era saw a massive increase in Black priests, and the first crop of Black bishops and archbishops.

Black theology

[edit]

One formalization of theology based on themes of black liberation is the black theology movement. Its origins can be traced to July 31, 1966, when an ad hoc group of 51 black pastors, calling themselves the National Committee of Negro Churchmen (NCNC), bought a full-page ad in The New York Times to publish their "Black Power Statement", which proposed a more aggressive approach to combating racism using the Bible for inspiration.[66]

Black liberation theology was first systematized by James Cone and Dwight Hopkins. They are considered the leading theologians of this system of belief, although now there are many scholars who have contributed a great deal to the field. In 1969, Cone published the seminal work that laid the basis for black liberation theology, Black Theology and Black Power. In the book, Cone asserted that not only was black power not alien to the Gospel, it was, in fact, the Gospel message for all of 20th century America.[67][68]

In 2008, approximately one quarter of African-American churches followed a liberation theology.[69] The theology was thrust into the national spotlight after a controversy arose related to preaching by Rev. Jeremiah Wright, former pastor to then-Senator Barack Obama at Trinity United Church of Christ, Chicago. Wright had built Trinity into a successful megachurch following the theology developed by Cone, who has said that he would "point to [Trinity] first" as an example of a church's embodying his message.[70]

Scholars have seen parallels between the Black church and the 21st Century Black Girl Magic movement, with social media interactions involving the Black Girl Magic hashtag seen as a modern extension of "[t]he Black church traditions of testimony, exhortation, improvisation, call and response, and song," which Black women can use to form a "cyber congregation."[71]

Womanist theology

[edit]

From the Black theology movement also came a more feminine form, in reaction to both the male-dominated nature of the field and the White-dominated nature of Feminist theology. Major figures in this reaction included Afro-Latino thinkers as well as Black women. Black Catholic womanists also played a major role, including Sr Jamie Phelps, OP, M. Shawn Copeland, and Diana L. Hayes.[citation needed]

As neighborhood institutions

[edit]

Although black urban neighborhoods in cities that have deindustrialized may have suffered from civic disinvestment,[72] with lower quality schools, less effective policing[73] and fire protection, there are institutions that help to improve the physical and social capital of black neighborhoods. In black neighborhoods the churches may be important sources of social cohesion.[74] For some African Americans the kind of spirituality learned through these churches works as a protective factor against the corrosive forces of poverty and racism.[75][76]

Churches may also do work to improve the physical infrastructure of the neighborhood. Churches in Harlem have undertaken real estate ventures and renovated burnt-out and abandoned brownstones to create new housing for residents.[77] Churches have fought for the right to operate their own schools in place of the often inadequate public schools found in many black neighborhoods.[78]

Traditions

[edit]

Like many Christians, African-American Christians sometimes participate in or attend a Christmas play. Black Nativity by Langston Hughes is a re-telling of the classic Nativity story with gospel music. Productions can be found at black theaters and churches all over the country.[79][80] The Three Wise Men are typically played by prominent members of the black community.

The watchnight service held on New Year's Eve in many Christian denominations, especially those of the Methodist and Moravian traditions, is widely attended by African American Christians.[81]

Denominations

[edit]

Throughout U.S. history, religious preferences and racial segregation have fostered development of separate black church denominations, as well as black churches within white denominations.

Methodism (inclusive of the holiness movement)

[edit]

African Americans were drawn to Methodism due to the father of Methodism, John Wesley's "opposition to the whole system of slavery, his commitment to Jesus Christ, and the evangelical appeal to the suffering and the oppressed."[82]

African Methodist Episcopal Church

[edit]
Richard Allen

The first of these churches was the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME). In the late 18th century, former slave Richard Allen, a Methodist preacher, was an influential deacon and elder at the integrated and affluent St. George's Methodist Church in Philadelphia. The charismatic Allen had attracted numerous new black members to St. George's. White members had become so uncomfortable that they relegated black worshipers to a segregated gallery. After white members of St. George's started to treat his people as second-class citizens, in 1787 Allen, Absalom Jones, also a preacher; and other black members left St. George's.[83]

They first established the non-denominational Free African Society, which acted as a mutual aid society. Religious differences caused Jones to take numerous followers to create an Episcopal congregation. They established the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas, which opened its doors in 1794. Absalom Jones was later ordained by the bishop of the Philadelphia diocese as the first African-American priest in the Episcopal Church.[84]

Allen continued for some years within the Methodist denomination but organized a black congregation. By 1794 he and his followers opened the doors of the all-black Mother Bethel AME Church.[85]

Over time, Allen and others sought more independence from white supervision within the Methodist Church. In 1816 Allen gathered four other black congregations together in the mid-Atlantic region to establish the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church as an independent denomination, the first fully independent black denomination. The ministers consecrated Allen as their first bishop.[46]

African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church

[edit]

The African Methodist Episcopal Zion or AME Zion Church, like the AME Church, is an offshoot of the Methodist Episcopal Church. Black members of the John Street Methodist Church of New York City left to form their own church after several acts of overt discrimination by white members. In 1796, black Methodists asked the permission of the bishop of the ME Church to meet independently, though still to be part of the ME Church and led by white preachers. This AME Church group built Zion chapel in 1800 and became incorporated in 1801, still subordinate to the ME Church.[86]

In 1820, AME Zion Church members began further separation from the ME Church. By seeking to install black preachers and elders, they created a debate over whether blacks could be ministers. This debate ended in 1822 with the ordination of Abraham Thompson, Leven Smith, and James Varick, the first superintendent (bishop) of the AME Zion church. After the Civil War, the denomination sent missionaries to the South and attracted thousands of new members, who shaped the church.[86]

Other Methodist connexions

[edit]

Baptists

[edit]

National Baptist Convention

[edit]

The National Baptist Convention was first organized in 1880 as the Foreign Mission Baptist Convention in Montgomery, Alabama. Its founders, including Elias Camp Morris, stressed the preaching of the gospel as an answer to the shortcomings of a segregated church. In 1895, Morris moved to Atlanta, Georgia, and founded the National Baptist Convention, USA, Inc., as a merger of the Foreign Mission Convention, the American National Baptist Convention, and the Baptist National Education Convention.[87]

The National Baptist Convention USA, Inc. reported to have 8,415,100 members around the globe from 21,145 congregations by 2020, thus making it the largest black religious organization in the United States.[88]

Other Baptist denominations

[edit]

Pentecostalism

[edit]

Church of God in Christ

[edit]

In 1907, Charles Harrison Mason formed the Church of God in Christ (COGIC) after his Baptist church and the Mississippi Convention of the NBC USA expelled him. Mason was a member of the Holiness movement of the late 19th century. In 1906, he attended the Azusa Street Revival in Los Angeles. Upon his return to Tennessee, he began teaching the Holiness Pentecostal message. However, Charles Price Jones and J. A. Jeter of the Wesleyan Holiness movement disagreed with Mason's teachings on the Baptism of the Holy Spirit.

Jones changed the name of his COGIC church to the Church of Christ (Holiness) USA in 1915.

At a conference in Memphis, Tennessee, Mason reorganized the Church of God in Christ as a Holiness Pentecostal body.[89] The headquarters of COGIC is Mason Temple in Memphis, Tennessee. It is the site of Martin Luther King's final sermon, "I've Been to the Mountaintop", delivered the day before he was assassinated.[90]

Other Pentecostal denominations

[edit]
Worshippers at Holy Angels Catholic Church on the South Side of Chicago, Illinois, by John H. White, 1973.

Black Catholicism

[edit]

Birthed from pre-US communities in New Orleans, Baltimore, Florida, and California, the presence of African-American Catholics in the United States territories constitute some of the earliest Black communities on the entire continent. Beginning in the early 19th century, Black Catholic religious sisters began forming congregations to serve their communities, beginning with Mary Elizabeth Lange and Henriette DeLille, who founded the Oblate Sisters of Providence and Sisters of the Holy Family, respectively. They were soon followed by the emergence of openly Black priests, the first being Fr Augustus Tolton in 1886.[citation needed]

The Society of St Joseph of the Sacred Heart (aka the Josephites), a group of priests tasked with serving African-Americans specifically, were formed in 1893 and began ordaining Black men immediately—though in small numbers. They staffed and formed Black parishes throughout the country, and today continue to serve in the same way (as do the two aforementioned sisterhoods, as well as the Franciscan Handmaids of the Most Pure Heart of Mary).[citation needed]

After the Civil Rights Movement, various new Black Catholic organizations were founded for Black priests, sisters, deacons, and seminarians, and the National Black Catholic Congress arrived in 1987. African-American Catholic priests greatly increased in number and African-American bishops began being appointed, including archbishops.[citation needed]

Wilton Gregory, the first African-American cardinal was named in 2020.[91]

See also

[edit]

General:

References

[edit]
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  2. ^ a b c d e Alexander, Estrelda Y. (3 May 2011). Black Fire: One Hundred Years of African American Pentecostalism. InterVarsity Press. p. 82. ISBN 978-0-8308-2586-8.
  3. ^ Sutton, Charyn D. (1992). Pass It On: Outreach to Minority Communities, Big Brothers/Big Sisters of America.
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Further reading

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