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Armenian genocide denial

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The Ottoman government banned photographs of Armenian refugees or the bodies of victims in order to cover up the genocide.[1]
A protest against Armenian Genocide recognition on the 100th anniversary on Istiklal Avenue, Istanbul
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Armenian Genocide denial is the denial of the planned systematic genocide of up to 1.5 million Armenians during World War I conducted by the Ottoman government. Denial was an integral part of the killings, carried out under the guise of resettlement.[2][3][4] According to Turkish historian Taner Akçam, "the Armenian case is unique among genocides in the long-standing efforts to deny its historicity".[2]

Because a large body of evidence is available to prove the genocide and the role of the Ottoman government in organizing the murders,[5] a consensus of historians and genocide scholars agree that the events constituted a genocide.[6] Deniers argue that claims of genocide are anti-Turkish propaganda or a conspiracy theory spread by Armenians; they may claim that the events of the genocide either did not occur or that they were justified at the time.[6][7] Key pieces of evidence confirming the Ottoman government's responsibility and systematic nature of the genocide are dismissed as Armenian forgeries.[8] Turkish nationalists similarly deny the Assyrian and Greek genocides of the same period.[9][10]

According to historian Talin Suciyan, "Persistent anti-Armenianism is inherent to the habitus of denial."[11] Denial of the Armenian Genocide is a crime in Greece,[12][13] Cyprus,[14] Switzerland, Austria, and Slovakia.[15] However, the European Court of Human Rights ruled in Perinçek v. Switzerland (2013) that denial of the Armenian Genocide falls under freedom of speech.

Currently, only the governments of Turkey and Azerbaijan deny that there was an Armenian genocide.[16] Many other countries, most controversially the United States until October 2019 have avoided officially recognizing it as a genocide in order not to disturb their diplomatic relations with Turkey. The Turkish government has spent millions of dollars on Washington lobbying over the past decade, much of it focused on the Armenian genocide issue,[17] and has in the past threatened politicians from other countries with retaliation to prevent them from using the word genocide.[18][19][20] Turkey has also attempted to intimidate and silence foreign investigative journalists and genocide scholars.[21][22]

Origins

It was forbidden to take photographs of the corpses of murdered Armenians, although some foreigners disobeyed this edict.

Turkish denial of the genocide can be dated to 1915, when the Ottoman Empire replied to an Allied telegram expressing opposition to massacres of Armenians and threatening justice against the perpetrators by:[3][4]

  1. Denying that massacres of Armenians had occurred[3]
  2. Claiming that Armenians colluded with the enemy[3]
  3. Alleging Armenian massacres of Muslims[3]
  4. Making counter-accusations of Allied war crimes[3]

In early 1916, the Ottoman government published a two-volume work titled, The Armenian Aspirations and Revolutionary Movements, denying any attempt to exterminate the Armenian people.[23] The themes of genocide denial that originated during the war were later recycled in later denial of the genocide by Turkey.[3][4]

By an edict of the Ottoman government, foreigners were banned from taking photographs of Armenian refugees or the corpses that accumulated on the side of the roads on which death marches were carried out. Those who disobeyed were threatened with arrest.[1] After the 1918 armistice, incriminating documents in the Ottoman archives were systematically destroyed.[24][25] However, this destruction was incomplete and according to Turkish historian Taner Akçam, there is enough evidence remaining in the archives to prove the genocide.[24] Censorship laws prevented Armenian survivors from publishing memoirs in Turkey.[26]

Access to archives

Heather Rae noted that scholars have long been denied access to Ottoman archives, which Turkish sources often refer to in their works. In the late 1980s access was granted to some archives by the Turkish government, but it appears that the material was limited and the government took a very selective approach to who was allowed to study the material.[27][28] According to Akçam, "While we are missing a significant portion of these papers, what remains in the Ottoman archives and in court records is sufficient to show that the CUP Central Committee, and the Special Organization is set up to carry out its plan, did deliberately attempt to destroy the Armenian population".[29]

Terminology

According to historian Yair Auron, "there can be no doubt about the fact of [Armenian] genocide itself. In this sense, the denial of the Armenian genocide is very similar to the denial of the Holocaust."[30]

Of the notable scholars that dispute its designation, Bernard Lewis, Stanford Shaw and Guenter Lewy acknowledge the historical event and its implications but reject a genocidal intent in favor of a "uniqueness" of the Holocaust as the only true genocide.[citation needed] Justin McCarthy, Heath Lowry and Eberhard Jäckel reject the designation altogether, and have met much criticism and accusations from other scholars as promoting Armenian Genocide denial.[31]

The term "genocide"

The term "genocide" was coined by the Polish Jew Raphael Lemkin in 1943, who had escaped Nazi rule, although the full extent of the Holocaust was not yet known at the time. Genocide comes from the Greek words "genos" and "ktonos" which means race killing. He later used it to describe what he had heard about the Armenian Genocide: in a 1949 CBS interview with Quincy Howe, Lemkin explained, "I became interested in genocide because it happened so many times. It happened to the Armenians, then after the Armenians, Hitler took action."[32]

Although the 1948 Genocide Convention, which established the prohibition of genocide in international law, is not retroactive, the events of the Armenian Genocide otherwise meet the legal definition of genocide.[33][34][35] Flavia Lattanzi, a former judge at the ICTY, states that the evidence that the CUP committed what is now called genocide against Armenians is unequivocal.[36]

Causes

Scholars give several reasons for the Turkish government's denial including the preservation of national identity, but also territorial concerns (called "Sevres Syndrome").[37] According to Alexis Demirdjian,

What perhaps best explains Turkey’s position is the narrative by post-war politicians, where Turkey is presented as a victim of history, loser of the First World War, defeated and humiliated. To accept that Turkey was responsible for massacres and deportations is to accept a narrative where Turkey — conflated with the Ottoman Empire’s political and military authorities due to the perceived continuity of the Turkish state — is not a victim, but rather a perpetrator.[26]

A Der Spiegel article addressed this modern Turkish conception of history thus:

"Would you admit to the crimes of your grandfathers, if these crimes didn't really happen?" asked ambassador Öymen. But the problem lies precisely in this question, says Hrant Dink, publisher and editor-in-chief of the Istanbul-based Armenian weekly Agos. Turkey's bureaucratic elite have never really shed themselves of the Ottoman tradition—in the perpetrators, they see their fathers, whose honor they seek to defend. This tradition instills a sense of identity in Turkish nationalists—both from the left and the right, and it is passed on from generation to generation through the school system.[38]

Another reason is the demand for reparations.[37] In the 2010s, Armenian diaspora groups have become more focused on reparations.[39] Akçam states that "the following argument is commonly heard: 'If we accept the Genocide, then the claim for reparations will soon follow.' It shows that the main fear is not what we should call the event, but what comes after the event."[40] According to Fatma Müge Göçek, many Turkish journalists have viewed the issue of recognition as "an imposition on the Turkish state and society, one that would solely benefit the Armenians". In one editorial a Turkish journalist wrote "If you once acknowledge, then see what will happen next? From demands for restitution to land...".[41]

Claims

According to Alexis Demirdjian, the Turkish government presents "a moving defence" to the charge of genocide, as scholarship has evolved and more facts uncovered. While the denial has been consistent, "the intensity of the denial campaign and the type of ‘defences’ developed over time, similar to what one would expect of a defendant in the court when confronted with hardly refutable evidence of massive wrongdoing".[26]

Shifting blame

Another denialist aim to shift blame for the genocide onto the Armenians, for allegedly provoking their own persecution.[42] The Turkish authorities hold the position that the deaths incurred by Armenians as a whole were the result of the turmoil of World War I and that the Ottoman Empire was fighting against Russia, Armenian volunteer units, and the Armenian militia.[43] According to McCarthy, the genocide was a two sided battle: "when they [the Armenians] advanced victoriously under the protection of the Russian Army, the same spectacle occurred as in 1915, but this time it was Turks who were attacked by Armenians, aided and possibly commanded and directed by Russia."[44] However, the Armenians had neither a police force nor an army.[43]

False balance

According to some deniers the number of Armenians killed was only 300,000,[42] half of the lowest mainstream estimate.[45] It is claimed that Armenians died in battles, as a result of a civil war, and that many Turks also died at the hands of Armenian militia.[26]

Non-intentionality of the genocide

Currently, regarding the activities performed under the Tehcir Law of May 1915, the Republic of Turkey rejects the use of the word "deportation" and "refugee". Turkey instead uses the words "relocation" and "immigrant", respectively. Turkey claims in its state-supported Views Against Genocide Allegations that all the destination regions were within the Ottoman Empire's borders, and that the Ottoman government recognized these "immigrants" as its citizens and took extensive measures to record the type, quantity, and value of their property, as well as the names of the owners and where they were sent.[46]

The Turkish authorities maintain that the Ottoman Empire did not exercise enough control over its own territory to prevent massacres of Armenians. Bernard Lewis believes that what he names the "tremendous massacres"[47][better source needed] were not "a deliberate preconceived decision of the Ottoman government".[48]

Military necessity

Another claim is that the deportations were justified under the doctrine of military necessity.[49] According to the law of war, "A crime occurs if there is an intentional attack directed against civilians".[50] German consul Max Erwin von Scheubner-Richter stated that the "measures cannot be justified on military grounds, because there is no reason to expect an uprising by the local Armenians, and the deportees are old men, women, and children".[51]

According to historian Hilmar Kaiser,

The Armenian deportations were not the result of an Armenian rebellion. On the contrary, Armenians were deported when no danger of outside interference existed. Thus Armenians near front lines were often slaughtered on the spot and not deported. The deportations were not a security measure against rebellions but depended on their absence.[52]

Turkish courts-martial of 1919–1920

Some perpetrators were tried during the Turkish courts-martial of 1919–1920. The evidence collected for the trials establish the responsibility of the Ottoman government at the highest levels. Although deniers have discounted this evidence on the basis that trials were held under Allied pressure, there is no indication that any of the evidence was forged or that witnesses committed perjury.[26]

Talat Pasha telegrams

The Talat Pasha telegrams provide concrete evidence that the genocide of Armenians was implemented as a state policy. In one of the telegrams, Pasha ordered subordinates to "Kill every Armenian man, woman, and child without concern". The telegrams were originally published in 1919 as part of The Memoirs of Naim Bey.[53][54]

Şinasi Orel [tr] and Süreyya Yuca argued in their 1983 book The Talât Pasha "telegrams": historical fact or Armenian fiction? that Naim Bey did not exist, and his memoir and the telegrams were forgeries by the Armenian journalist Aram Andonian. According to Akçam, their claims "were some of the most important cornerstones of denying the events of 1915" and "the book became one of the most important instruments for the anti-Armenian hate discourse".[55] Since it was difficult to prove the authenticity of the documents, many scholars avoided citing them.[53] In 2018, Akçam published a book, Killing Orders, that debunked the arguments of Orel and Yuca as well as corroborated the information in the telegrams.[56] Akçam stated that, if the telegrams were indeed forgeries, the Turkish government could easily prove it by publishing the encryption keys. That it did not was further evidence of their authenticity.[53]

Conflict resolution

See also: Armenian-Turkish relations

The Turkish authorities have put forth certain conditions before attempting to reconcile with Armenia. Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 following the First Nagorno-Karabakh War between Armenia and Turkic-speaking Azerbaijan. The borders have remained closed because the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute has not been settled to this day.[57]

In 2005 Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan invited Turkish, Armenian and international historians to form a commission to reevaluate the events of 1915 by using archives in Turkey, Armenia and other countries.[58] Armenian president Robert Kocharian responded,

Your proposal to address the past can't be effective if it does not refer to the present and the future... The governments are responsible for the development of bilateral relations, and we have no right to delegate that responsibility to the historians. Thus, we have proposed and we again propose to establish normal relations between our countries without preconditions.
In this regard, an inter-governmental commission can be formed to discuss the outstanding issues to resolve them and maintain mutual understanding.[59][60]

There has been two major attempts on Turkish-Armenian "reconciliation", which both have failed mainly due to the controversy over the Armenian Genocide. In both cases, namely the Turkish Armenian Reconciliation Commission (2000–2004) and the "2009 Protocols" (Zurich Protocols), the mediators did their best to keep the issue of the Armenian Genocide out of the context of the rapprochement. However, this proved impossible.[61]: 211  Subsequently, according to Vahagn Avedian, as long as the official denialist policy exists, it would be extremely difficult to talk about a reconciliation which could not occur without some common narrative.[61]: 104 

Denialism by prominent figures

The "Lewis Affair"

On 19 May 1985, The New York Times and The Washington Post ran an advertisement in which a group of 69 American historians, including the prominent historian Bernard Lewis, who called on Congress not to adopt the resolution on the Armenian Genocide.[62][63][64] Heath Lowry, director of the Institute of Turkish Studies (funded by the Turkish government), helped secure the signatures of the academics and the advertisement was paid for by the Committee of the Turkish Associations.[62][65] Lowry was later involved in helping the Turkish embassy prevent the mention of the Armenian Genocide in scholarly works, and was discovered ghost writing for the Turkish ambassador in Washington regarding genocide denial.[66] The Armenian Assembly of America found that many or most of the 69 academics benefited directly or indirectly from Turkish government research grants, and a majority were not specialists on the historical period during which the genocide occurred.[67][68] According to Israeli historian Yair Auron, this advertisement is a good example of one of many Turkish attempts to influence academia, a project on which Turkey has spent enormous funds.[69]

After publication of the statement, professor Gérard Chaliand of Paris V – Sorbonne University expressed disappointment that Lewis had signed. Lewis responded that the statement was an attempt to avoid damaging Turkish-American relationships and that it included a call for Turkey to open its archives, but the former was not mentioned in the statement.[62] Some of the other signatories confessed later that there are deliberate attempts by the Turkish government and its allies to muddle and deny the issue. Others confirm that there have been massacres but say they avoid the use of the term Genocide.[70] In October 2000, when the House of Representatives of the US was to discuss the resolution on the Armenian Genocide, Turkish politician Şükrü Elekdağ admitted that the statement had become useless because none of the original signatories besides Justin McCarthy would agree to sign a new, similar declaration.[71][72]

Resignation of Donald Quataert

One of the 69 signatories of the 1985 statement to the United States Congress was the Ottomanist historian Donald Quataert. In 2006, he published an article reviewing Donald Bloxham's book The Great Game of Genocide: Imperialism, Nationalism, and the Destruction of the Ottoman Armenians. In his review, Quataert stated that he used the word genocide because "to do otherwise... runs the risk of suggesting denial of the massive and systematic atrocities" and that "accumulating evidence is indicating that the killings were centrally planned by Ottoman government officials and systematically carried out by their underlings".[73]

Weeks later, Quataert resigned from the position of the chairman of the board of directors of the Institute of Turkish Studies, which he had held since 2001. Quataert stated that he was forced to resign due to the pressure of the Turkish ambassador Nabi Şensoy, and a number of other board members resigned shortly thereafter. Mervat Hatem, the director of Middle East Studies Association, sent a letter to the Prime Minister of Turkey Erdogan, criticizing the threats of Turkish officials to stop funding the Institute if Quataert did not retract his statements. Hatem stated that such threats went against academic freedom and that "the resignations are in contradiction with those many requests to leave the discussion and the assessment of the Armenian Genocide to the academia that Turkey has been making."[74][75]

Comparison with Holocaust and Israeli stance

Officially the state of Israel neither recognizes nor denies the Armenian Genocide. Politicians from primarily left wing and centrist parties such as Meretz and Kadima, but also occasionally right wing parties such as Likud, have been promoting recognition and commemoration of the Armenian Genocide.[76] As of 2020, all Israeli governments have opted to keep the status quo, partially because of modern-day realpolitik. Right-wing party Yisrael Beiteinu claims that recognition of the genocide would jeopardise Israel-Azerbaijan and Israel-Turkish relations and hurt close economic and military cooperation with them.[citation needed] In 2008, Yosef Shagal, an Azerbaijani Jew and now retired Israeli parliamentarian from Israel Our Home stated in an interview to Azerbaijan media (which officially denies the genocide): "I find it deeply offensive, and even blasphemous to compare the Holocaust of European Jewry during the Second World War with the mass extermination of the Armenian people during the First World War. Jews were killed because they were Jews, but Armenians provoked Turkey and should blame themselves."[77]

Despite this controversy, there are several prominent Armenian Genocide Memorials in the State of Israel.[citation needed] To commemorate the 100th anniversary of the genocide, the Jerusalem Symphony Orchestra performed music written by Armenian composers.[78] Many Israeli and Jewish historians also draw parallels between the genocides. Hebrew University scholar Yehuda Bauer wrote:[79]

The differences between the holocaust and the Armenian massacres are less important than the similarities—and even if the Armenian case is not seen as a holocaust in the extreme form which it took towards Jews, it is certainly the nearest thing to it.[79]

As speaker of the Knesset, Reuven Rivlin campaigned for Israel to recognize the Armenian Genocide.[80] In 2012, he said "It is our moral duty to remember and remind of the tragedy that befell the Armenian people, who lost more than a million of its sons during the First World War, and we must not make this a political issue. I am aware of the sensitivity of this issue. But let us be clear: This is not an accusation of Turkey today or of the current Turkish government."[81] After being elected president, he has been less vocal on this issue. Concerned about the negative reaction of Turkey if the president signed the petition, unnamed officials of the Foreign Ministry welcomed what they called Rivlin's "statesmanship".[82]

Islamists

The Islamist Hani al-Sibai cited Justin McCarthy's work while engaging in Armenian Genocide denial.[83][better source needed]

Volkan Bozkır

Volkan Bozkır, while being the Turkish Minister for the European Union (EU) and also the leading negotiator in the Turkish accession talks to the EU denied there existed an Armenian Genocide. After the EU issued a draft for the Turkey progress report in 2015 including a demand that Turkey accepts that there existed an Armenian Genocide he declared that Turkey wouldn't answer a EU report containing the term Genocide.[84] Also in 2015, he criticized Pope Francis for including the term Genocide in a sermon he held in a mass at St. Peter's Basilica in Rome.[85] In June 2020, he was elected as the 75th President of the UN assembly[86]

Academic consensus condemning genocide denial

Statements by historians and scholars

According to the Encyclopedia of Genocide and Crimes Against Humanity, the denial of Armenian genocide is "the most patent example of a state's denial of its past".[87] Colin Tatz, Professor of Macquarie University, considers the nature of Turkish denial industry as "pernicious, outrageous and continued": "Here is a modern state, totally dedicated, at home and abroad, to extraordinary actions to have every hint or mention of an Armenian genocide removed, contradicted, explained, countered, justified, mitigated, rationalised, trivialised and relativised."[88]

In 2006, international law scholar William Schabas wrote that expanding interpretations of the Genocide Convention further undermine the arguments of those who deny that the Armenians were victims of a genocide.[89] Philip L. Kohl and Clare Fawcett write that the "Armenian cultural remains in neighboring Turkey are frequently dismissed or referred to as "Ottoman period" monuments", and that the continued denial of the state-sponsored genocide is "related to these practices".[90]

According to Taner Akçam, Turkey "tried to erase the traces of a recent past that had become undesirable" through a series of reforms, so the collective memory "was replaced by an official history written by a few authorised academics, which became the sole recognised reference. Events prior to 1928 and the writings of past generations became a closed book."[91]

Response to Turkish think tanks

In 1998, the Concerned Scholars and Writers criticized the Turkish government's attempts "to sanitize its history now include the funding of chairs in Turkish studies – with strings attached – at American universities".[92]

In 1990, psychologist Robert Jay Lifton received a letter from Nuzhet Kandemir, Turkish ambassador to the United States, questioning his inclusion of references to the Armenian Genocide in one of his books. The ambassador inadvertently included a draft of a letter, presented by denier Heath W. Lowry, advising the ambassador on how to prevent mention of the Armenian Genocide in scholarly works. Lowry was later named to the Atatürk chair of Ottoman Studies at Princeton University, which had been endowed with a $750,000 grant from the Republic of Turkey. The incident has been the subject of numerous reports as to ethics in scholarship.[93][94]

Open University of Israel scholar Yair Auron has addressed the various means employed by the Turkish government to obscure the reality of the Armenian Genocide:[95] "Since the 1980s, the Turkish government has supported the establishment of "institutes" affiliated with respected universities, whose apparent purpose is to further research on Turkish history and culture, but which also tend to act in ways that further denial." According to American scholars Roger W. Smith, Eric Markusen and Robert Jay Lifton, the Turkish government funds a research institute which paid a historian to discredit scholarship on the Armenian Genocide.[93] Vahakn Dadrian writes that the Institute for Armenian Research was set up in April 2001 in Ankara "to institutionalize this campaign of denial and try to invest it with an aura of legitimacy... this new outfit is now proactively engaged in contesting all claims of genocide".[96]

In a lecture he delivered in June 2011, Akçam stated that he was told by a Turkish foreign ministry official that the Turkish government was trying to bribe historians and academics in the United States to deny the Armenian Genocide.[97] Though he did not make any direct accusations, he noted the timing between what his source said with the recent publication of American historian Michael M. Gunter's book Armenian History and the Question of Genocide. He also raised the point that the four individuals who praised Gunter's book – Hakan Yavuz of University of Utah, Guenter Lewy of University of Massachusetts, Jeremy Salt of Bilkent University, Ankara, and Edward J. Ericson of Marine Corps Command & Staff College, Virginia – "are well known for their denialist position and works".[97]

Open letters

On 9 June 2000, in a full-page statement in The New York Times, 126 scholars, including Nobel Prize-winner Elie Wiesel, historian Yehuda Bauer, and sociologist Irving Horowitz, signed a document "affirming that the World War I Armenian genocide is an incontestable historical fact and accordingly urge the governments of Western democracies to likewise recognize it as such."[98] Wiesel himself has repeatedly called Turkey's 90-year-old campaign to cover up the Armenian genocide a double killing, since it strives to kill the memory of the original atrocities.[99]

In an open letter by the "Danish Department for Holocaust and Genocide Studies and the denial and relativization of the Armenian genocide", historians Torben Jorgensen and Matthias Bjornlund wrote: "there is no 'Armenian' or 'Turkish' side of the 'question,' any more than there is a 'Jewish" or a 'German' side of the historical reality of the Holocaust". They add that Armenian Genocide denial is "founded on a massive effort of falsification, distortion, cleansing of archives, and direct threats initiated or supported by the Turkish state".[100]

Legality

According to Flavia Lattanzi, an expert on international law, the present Turkish government's "den[ial of] past Ottoman and Turkish authorities' wrongdoings is a new violation of international law".[101] Agostina Latino, another law scholar, writes that denial violates the right to truth and right to memory of the victim community.[102]

Some countries, including Cyprus, have adopted laws that punish denial of the Armenian genocide.[14]

France

In November 1993 American historian Bernard Lewis said in an interview that calling the massacres committed by the Turks in 1915 a genocide was just "the Armenian version of this history".[103] In a 1995 civil proceeding a French court censured his remarks as a denial of the Armenian Genocide and fined him one franc, as well as ordering the publication of the judgment at Lewis' cost in Le Monde.[104] The court ruled that while Lewis has the right to his views, they did damage to a third party and that "it is only by hiding elements which go against his thesis that the defendant was able to state that there was no 'serious proof' of the Armenian Genocide; consequently, he failed in his duties of objectivity and prudence by expressing himself without qualification on such a sensitive subject".[104]

In October 2006, the French National Assembly, despite opposition from foreign minister Philippe Douste-Blazy,[105] passed a bill which if approved by the Senate would make Armenian Genocide denial a crime.[106] On 7 October 2011 French President Nicolas Sarkozy said that Turkey's refusal to recognize the genocide would force France to make such denials a criminal offense.[107][108] On 22 December 2011, the lower house of the French legislature approved a bill making it a crime (punishable by a year in prison and a fine of 45,000 euros) to publicly deny as genocide the killing of Armenians by troops of Turkey's former Ottoman Empire.[109] On 23 January 2012, the French Senate adopted the law criminalizing genocide denial.[110] However, on 28 February 2012, the Constitutional Council of France invalidated the law, stating, among other things, that it curbs freedom of speech.[111] After that the French President Sarkozy called on his cabinet to draft new legislation to punish those who deny that the mass killing of Armenians by Ottoman troops is a genocide.[112] In 2016 the French Parliament adopted the new bill criminalizing the Armenian Genocide denial, which was put down by the French Constitutional Court in January 2017. The Council said the "ruling causes uncertainty regarding expressions and comments on historical matters. Thereby, this ruling is an unnecessary and disproportionate attack against freedom of speech."[113]

Switzerland

The first person convicted in a court of law for denying the Armenian genocide is Turkish politician Doğu Perinçek, found guilty of racial discrimination by a Swiss district court in Lausanne in March 2007. At the trial, Perinçek denied the charge thus: "I have not denied genocide because there was no genocide."[114] After the court's decision, he said, "I defend my right to freedom of expression." Ferai Tinç, a foreign affairs columnist with Turkey's Hürriyet newspaper, commented, "we find these type of [penal] articles against freedom of opinion dangerous because we are struggling in our country to achieve freedom of thought."[115] Perinçek appealed the verdict. In December 2007, the Swiss Federal Court confirmed the sentence given to Perinçek.[116] Perinçek then appealed to the European Court of Human Rights, and in 2013 the Court ruled that Perinçek's freedom of expression, as enshrined in Article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights, had been violated.[117] The European Court of Human Rights's Grand Chamber ruled in favour of Perinçek on 15 October 2015.[118][119] (see Perinçek v. Switzerland).

In October, 2008 the Swiss court ruled that three Turks were guilty of racial discrimination after having claimed that the Armenian Genocide was an "international lie." The European representative of the Party of Turkish Workers, Ali Mercan, was sentenced to pay a fine of 4,500 Swiss francs ($3,900), two others were ordered to pay 3,600 Swiss francs.[120] In October 2010, the Swiss Federal Court confirmed the verdict.[121] The verdict was appealed and in November 2017, at the case “Mercan and others vs. Switzerland”, European Court of Human Rights unanimously ruled that the right of freedom of expression of had been violated and ruled that the Swiss government will have to pay a compensation amounting to 4,988 euros and 25,156 euros.[122][123]

United States media

In the US media, the right-wing newspaper The Washington Times has repeatedly published articles denying the Armenian Genocide. In contrast, several other American media outlets acknowledge the Armenian Genocide as a historical fact.[124]

In 6 June 2005 edition of Time Europe, the Ankara Chamber of Commerce included—along with a tourism in Turkey advertisement—a DVD containing a 70-minute presentation denying the Armenian Genocide. Time Europe later apologized for allowing the inclusion of the DVD and published a critical letter signed by five French organizations.[125] The apology stated that the DVD had not been adequately reviewed by anyone at Time Europe because it was believed to be a benign promotion piece, and that it would not have been distributed if the magazine had been aware of its content. The magazine described the DVDs contents as a "so-called documentary" that "presents a one-sided view of history that does not meet our standards for fairness and accuracy".[126][127] The 12 February 2007 edition of Time Europe included a full-page announcement and a DVD of a documentary about the Armenian Genocide by French director Laurence Jourdan, with an interview with Yves Ternon.[128]

The New York Times 2015 advertisement policy states, "we will not accept advertising that denies or trivializes great human tragedies such as the Armenian Genocide".[129][130] In 2016, The Wall Street Journal published an advertisement by FactCheckArmenia.com denying the Armenian Genocide. In response, Kim Kardashian took out an ad in The New York Times stating, "Advocating the denial of a genocide by the country responsible for it - that’s not publishing a ‘provocative viewpoint,’ that’s spreading lies".[131][132]

Let History Decide Campaign

The Turkish government, in advance of the anniversary of 100 years from the genocide at 2015, has reverted to the position that the matter should be subject to further study by historians, sponsoring the website www.lethistorydecide.org.[133] The website was part of the wider "Let History Decide" campaign which has been organized by the Turkish American Steering Committee in the USA. The committee also launched the Twitter hashtag #lethistorydecide. The campaign had a strong social media presence, including Twitter (@historydecide), Instagram and Facebook. The main slogan of the campaign was: "Unite us, not divide us."[134]

This campaign is considered denialist because there is already a consensus among historians that the Armenian genocide was a genocide.[135]

The Ottoman Lieutenant

Main article: The Ottoman Lieutenant

The film The Ottoman Lieutenant, co-produced in Turkey, was released around the period of that of the film The Promise, a film depicting the Armenian genocide.[136] The perceived similarities between the films resulted in accusations that The Ottoman Lieutenant existed to deny the Armenian genocide.[136][137]

See also

Notes

  1. ^ a b Akçam 2018, p. 157.
  2. ^ a b Akçam 2018, p. 3.
  3. ^ a b c d e f g Chorbajian, Levon (2016). "'They Brought It on Themselves and It Never Happened': Denial to 1939". The Armenian Genocide Legacy. Palgrave Macmillan UK. pp. 167–182. ISBN 978-1-137-56163-3. In May 1915 the governments of Russia, Britain, and France sent a letter to the Sublime Porte protesting the mass deportations and killings of the Armenians... In their lengthy response to the Allied letter, the Turkish leadership dismiss the charges as lies.
  4. ^ a b c Kuyumjian, Aram (2011). "The Armenian Genocide : International Legal and Political Avenues for Turkey's Responsibility". Revue de droit. Université de Sherbrooke. 41 (2): 247–305. doi:10.17118/11143/10302. The Interior Ministry instituted the firm denial of these crimes as policy at the very moment the massacres were taking place (when the government had already systematically and intentionally planned the exterminations) and this policy was perpetuated by subsequent Turkish governments by masking the massacres with the same groundless and illogical motives.
  5. ^ Baker, Mark R. (2015). "The Armenian Genocide and its denial: a review of recent scholarship". New Perspectives on Turkey. 53: 197–212. doi:10.1017/npt.2015.23.
  6. ^ a b Ziv, Stav (24 April 2015). "Why Scholars Say Armenian Genocide Was Genocide But Obama Won't". Newsweek. Archived from the original on 5 October 2016. Retrieved 18 July 2019.
  7. ^ A list of genocide denial websites Archived 22 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine, Southern Poverty Law Center
  8. ^ Akçam 2018, pp. 9, 14.
  9. ^ Smith, Roger W. (2015). "Introduction: The Ottoman Genocides of Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks". Genocide Studies International. 9 (1): 1–9. doi:10.3138/gsi.9.1.01. S2CID 154145301.
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  64. ^ Yair Auron. The banality of denial: Israel and the Armenian genocide. Transaction Publishers, 2004. ISBN 0-7658-0834-X, 9780765808349. pp. 226–27 ""The Bernard Lewis Affair:" 1997" "The rationalization of the Armenian Genocide began to take root in Western academic circles in the 1980s, and was further strengthened by the hiring of Bernard Lewis at Princeton University. Lewis is one of the most prominent specialists on the Middle East — some would say the most distinguished historian of the Middle East. Lewis' stature provided a lofty cover for the Turkish national agenda of obfuscating academic research on the Armenian Genocide... In 1985 he signed a petition to the U.S. Congress protesting the plan to make April 24, the day on which the Armenians commemorate the victims of the Genocide, a national American-Armenian memorial day, mentioning man's inhumanity to man. Lewis' signature was the most significant of sixty-nine signatures published. A two-page spread appeared simultaneously in the New York Times and Washington Post, financed by the Committee of the Turkish Associations."
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