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Yevgeni Alekseyevich Preobrazhensky (Russian: Евгений Алексеевич Преображенский) (February 27 [O.S. February 15] 1886 - July 13, 1937) was an Old Bolshevik, a member of the Central Committee of the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP), a leader of the Bolshevik party in the Urals at the time of the October Revolution, and the leading economist of the Left Opposition in the 1920s.

Biography

Early Life and Political Activism

Preobrazhensky was born in Bolkhov, a town in the Oryol Oblast of Russia. He attended the Bolkhov Parochial School where his father Alekseii Aleksandrovich Preobrazhenskii (an Orthodox priest) was a Bible teacher, then completed 2 years at the Bolkhov City School before attending the Oryol Gymnaisum.[1][2]

At the age of 14 he became a convinced atheist. While at the Oryol Gymnasium he read, reproduced and distributed illegal literature from both the Social Democratic and Socialist Revolutionary parties, and organized student circles.[3] He attended Moscow University and was arrested during his first year there[1]. Late in 1903 Preobrazhensky joined the Bolshevik faction of the RSDLP.[1] He carried out underground Party work in Orel, Bryansk and Moscow from 1904-5 and took part in the 1905 uprising in the Presnya District of Moscow.[4] In 1906 he was sent to work in the Urals, working in Perm and Zlatoust. He was first imprisoned in March of 1906, but after 5 months (and a four-day hunger strike) he was released for lack of evidence. He later worked in Ekaterinburg, Cheliabinsk, and Ufa. Later in 1906 while traveling to Petrograd to purchase Brownings to arm detachments of workers he was again denounced to the police, arrested at the Kazan station and returned to Perm. He served eight months in the penal battalions before being released for lack of evidence. Upon release he went to the Southern Urals, working mainly in Ufa and Zlatoust reforming the Urals regional organization and printing the Uralsky Rabochy and other papers on a clandestine press. He represented the Urals at the Second All-Russian Party Conference in Finland in August [O.S. July] 1907, where he first met Lenin.[5]

At the end of April 1909 he was arrested on the streets of Ufa. Convicted that May in Cheliabinsk and then in September in Perm he was sentenced to internal exile in Karapchanka, Kirensk district, Irkutsk guberniia. He escaped from exile in the winter of 1911 and went to Novonikolaevsk where he contributed to the legal Marxist paper Obskaya Zhizn. He was re-arrested late in 1912, the day before departing Russia for a conference at Krupskaya's invitation. He was jailed for six months for his escape, and then returned to internal exile. In 1915 he was allowed to move to Irkutsk where he joined the local party organization. After the group collapsed and a more 'reliable' group was formed, he wrote an anti-war proclamation but before it could be published the group was dissolved on suspicion that one of its member was an agent provocateur.[6]

At one of his trials his lawyer, Alexander Kerensky, declared that Preobrazhensky was not involved in any revolutionary movement. Preobrazhensky "disavowed his counsel and proclaimed his revolutionary conviction."[7]

While in Irkutsk Preobrazhenskii married Roza Abramovna Nevel'son (1898- 1980).[8] In the spring of 1916 he moved to Chita[1] and was still there when the February Revolution began.[9]

The Revolution of 1917

Preobrazhensky was elected a delegate to the First All-Russia Congress of Soviets of Workers and Soldiers' Deputies (3-24 June). He left Chita for Petrograd in April. After the Congress he returned to the Urals and was elected to the Urals Oblast Party Committee. He returned to Petrograd for the Sixth Party Congress in August of 1917 as a representative of the Zlatoust party organization, and was elected to the party's Central Committee (as a candidate member) and to the Mandate Commission.[1] In the discussion at the Congress on Bukharin's resolution on the current situation and the war, Preobrazhensky proposed an amendment "advocating the uncompromising prosecution of revolutionary war" which was defeated[10]. He also proposed alternative wording for the resolution "On the Political Situation" that "suggested that the socialist nature of the Russian revolution should be preconditioned in the resolution by a proletarian revolution in the west"; Stalin disagreed, arguing that "It is not impossible that Russia will be the country that would open the way to socialism."[11] Preobrazhensky's amendment was rejected.[12]

He returned to the Urals and was active in Zlatoust and Zima during the October revolution. During an armed demonstration under the slogan "All Power to the Soviets" he lost his voice, he said, because he "urged the workers so vehemently".[9]

Under his leadership the membership of the Bolshevik party in the Urals "between the late summer of 1917 and the beginning of 1918 ... appear[s] to have increased twofold".[13]

Also in 1917, Preobrazhensky and his wife Roza had their first child, Leonid.[8]

Left Communist

Agrarian Policy

Prior to the October Revolution, at the Sixth Party Congress in August of 1917, Preobrazhensky had raised questions about the party's strategy of building an alliance between the proletariat and the poorer peasantry, specifically asking "(1) for a concrete definition of the category of the 'poorest peasant' to whom Bolsheviks were to appeal, and (2) for a description of the form that organizational cooperation between peasant and proletarian was to take."[14] Immediately after the Bolshevik seizure of power, in an article in Pravda on 31 December 1917, he argued against Lenin's policy of "land socialization" - distributing the large estates amongst the poorer peasantry: "If implemented, in the short term all that it would achieve would be to destroy the only reliable allies of the urban proletariat in the countryside, the batraki. The grant of land to these rural labourers would transform them into petty proprietors, opposed to further advances to socialism. The middle peasants too would gain land and would tenaciously defend their enlarged plot. In sum, the swelling in the ranks of the peasantry would so strengthen the forces of counter-revolution as to pose immense obstacles to the introduction of collective socialist agriculture in the future."[15] He continued his criticisms in an article in Izvestiia of 26 January 1918, arguing that division of the large estates was "fundamentally reactionary from the economic point of view and deeply unjust to the agricultural proletariat." He predicted a fall in agricultural production as a consequence of land division which would threaten urban Russia even further with starvation.[16]

Revolutionary War

Meanwhile even the short-term survival of the proletarian regime was cast in doubt when the Decree on Peace was rejected by the Allied Powers, and Russia was faced with the choice of fighting the Central Powers or agreeing to a separate peace with them. Initially Lenin's government chose to drag out the peace negotiations, but this tactic encountered opposition within the party; for example the Moscow Regional Bureau of the RSDLP(b) resolved on 28 December that it was necessary to "halt the peace negotiations with imperialist Germany" and "form a volunteer revolutionary army immediately".[17]

On 3 January 1918 Preobrazhensky published an article in Pravda arguing that revolutionary war was a fundamental tenet of Bolshevism[10], and that regardless of whether she signed the peace, Russia would soon be faced by a united imperialist front.[18].

By 15 January 1918 Preobrazhensky joined other leading party members in a statement noting the "contradiction between decisions of authoritative Party bodies" on the question of a "'shameful peace'", giving rise to "the possibility that decisions made by the centre of the Party will be violated and a lack of clarity in the Party's political line...". They called for an immediate party conference "(within a week) to resolve and finally clarify this question of historic importance for the international proletariat" and threatening to resign if a peace was signed without such a conference being called.[19] At this same time a "group of Urals Party workers," including Preobrazhensky, called for an immediate Party conference as well.[20]

Formation of Left Communists

It was at this time that the Left Communists formed in opposition to Lenin's policy of a separate peace. Preobrazhensky was a leading member, along with Bukharin, Ossinsky, Krestinsky and others. Their factional journal Kommunist, published daily from ? to ?, and as a monthly from ? to ? was edited by ?, ? and ?. On behalf of the Left Communists Preobrazhensky campaigned against the treaty in Tula, ?, and ??, as well as throughout the Urals. He was the leader of the Ural Oblast party committee, which was dominated by the Left Communists, and along with Nikolai Krestinskii and Georgii Safarov "directed the Left Communist movement in the Urals".[21].

At a meeting of 63 delegates from Petrograd, Moscow, the Urals, the Ukraine and the Volga in Petrograd on 8 January 1918 prior to the Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets Preobrazhensky and Ossinski secured the support of a majority (32) of the delegates for their call for revolutionary war, marking the highpoint of support for this policy in the party's top ranks.[22] Only three days later the Central Committee rejected the policy of revolutionary war by 11 to 2; favoring instead Trotsky's formula of dragging out the peace negotiations by a vote of 12 to 1. Preobrazhensky, at the time a candidate member of the CC, did not attend this meeting.[23] Preobrazhensky still considered it possible that the working class might engage in "a most active and feverish preparation for the inevitable combat at hand with the German marauders"[24].

Despite the remaining support for revolutionary war (a survey of the views of local soviets in February revealed that "a small majority of the city soviets voted for war, while a small majority of the village soviets voted for peace."[25]), by the end of February Lenin had secured a majority in the Central Committee, and then the VTsIK, in favor of signing the treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which was accomplished on 3 March 1918.

Despite the signing of the peace treaty the Left Communists continued to criticize it, but their focus shifted to their criticisms of the party's agrarian and industrial policies.[26].

In this period, for example, Preobrazhensky published an article, Съезд Необходим (Congress Required), in Kommunist which .... .


The Civil War

In virtue of his position as chairman of the Urals Oblast party committee, Preobrazhensky served as the head of the political department (politotdely) for the Third Army on the eastern front against against the Czech Legion and against Aleksandr Kolchak's forces during the Civil War.[9]

Execution of the Tsar and his family

In the summer of 1918 the Ekaterinburg Soviet obtained custody of the ex-Tsar Nicholas Romanov and his immediate family. In July, as anti-Soviet forces approached the city the Soviet voted unanimously to execute the ex-Tsar. In the event not only was the ex-Tsar executed, but so too were his wife, their children and those held with them in Ekaterinburg. Preobrazhensky does not mention this event in his autobiography, and he does not seem to have been in the Urals at the time[27]. However some sources claim that he bore responsibility for it.[28] Goloshchekin and Beloborodov, associates of Preobrazhensky, were involved in the executions.

Defeat at Perm

When the Third Army suffered a disastrous defeat at Perm in December 1918, leading to the loss of the Urals, the party sent Stalin and Dzerzhinsky to investigate the causes of the defeat. In a report on the causes of the crisis[29] they wrote "....". The Urals Oblast party committee also prepared a report on the events.[30] The Urals Oblast party committee was dissolved (its responsibilities were given to the newly-formed Siberian Oblast party committee) and Preobrazhensky was called to Moscow to serve as an editor of Pravda.[31]

In Moscow

Preobrazhensky and Roza's second child Irma was born in 1921.[8]

Government

Pravda

Narkomfin

Narkompros

Glavpolitprosvet

In March of 1921 Preobrazhensky was appointed chairman of Glavprofobr, Narkompros' administration of higher and technical education.[32] He advocated a greater emphasis on technical education, believing that the development of a system of technical education would raise the workers and peasants to a common level of skill, and reduce the dependency on bourgeois specialists, both contributing to a raising of wages and improvement of working conditions[33]. He was opposed by Lunacharsky the Commissar of Narkompros and Lenin's wife Krupskaya (a member of the Narkompros collegium), who sought "to achieve a wide-ranging proletarian class-consciousness among the mass of the population."[34] As Krupskaia wrote, "the strengthening of proletarian culture (in its broadest sense), the spread of influence over the entire population is a necessary condition for the accomplishment of socialism. Socialism will be possible only when the psychology of people is radically changed. To change it is the task standing before us."[35] Preobrazhensky felt that implementing the Party's programme of "general and polytechnical education for all children up to the age of 17" would have to be delayed, perhaps for two decades, until the needs of expanding industry for skilled workers had been filled.[36]

In keeping with those priorities, Preobrazhensky "believed that universities and other institutes of higher education had to satisfy immediate economic and political demands and not their own narrow scientific and academic interests."[37]

He was blamed for his provocative handling of the professors when they went on strike in 1921 and after a second strike in 1922 he was reprimanded and removed from the position[38] at the end of 1921[39]

It was in the discussion of educational policy at the 11th Party Congress in March 1922 that Lenin gave this judgment of Preobrazhensky: "If the Party is directed like this, it would really lead to ruin. Not because comrade Preobrazhensky incorrectly understands politics in general, but because he approaches everything ...[as] a theoretician, looking for definite, usual and accustomed limits, a propagandist who works with various measures directed towards propaganda. Everyone knows and values his strong side, but when he comes up with a political and administrative point of view, something monstrous comes out."[40]

In the mid-1920s Preobrazhensky married Polina Semenovna Vinogradskaia, with whom he had a son, Igor.[8] Polina was active in the Zhenotdel (the Bolshevik women's organization) and served on the editorial board of its journal, Kommunistka (Communist Woman).[41] Later she worked for Riazanov in the Institute of Marxism-Leninism[42]

Opposition

Declaration of the 46

Hiatus

The Joint Opposition

First Expulsion

A few months before the Fifteenth Congress, the Politburo forbid publication of the opposition's platform in the usual discussion preceding a party congress. The opposition decided to print and distribute the platform clandestinely. On 12-13 September 1927 the OGPU seized a duplicating machine that was being used to run off copies of the Opposition's platform.[43] Preobrazhensky, along with Mrachkovsky & Serebryakov, claimed responsibility for the machine and were expelled from the party in October. Mrachkovsky was immediately arrested[44]; Preobrazhensky and Serebryakov were exiled to Siberia in December.[45]

Pierre Naville, who visited Rakovsky at the couple's home in the autumn of 1927 "remarked on the atmosphere of comradeliness and simplicity which, he says, 'was impossible to find anywhere else at the time'."[46]

Capitulation

In July 1929 Preobrazhensky, Radek and Smilga announced that they had broken “ideologically and organizationally with Trotsky.[47]

This capitulation was seen by Trotsky at the time as an act of political cowardice[48]. As he wrote in July of that year

The capitulation of Radek, Smilga, Preobrazhensky, is in its way a major political fact. It shows above all how completely a great and heroic generation of revolutionists, whose destiny it was to pass through the experiences of the war and the October Revolution, has spent itself. Three old and meritorious revolutionists have removed their names from the roll of the living. They have deprived themselves of the most important thing, the right to command confidence. This they can never regain.[49]

Many historians offer a similar judgment. Alternatively the capitulation can be seen to arise "precisely out of the courage of their political convictions.... In retrospect, we may say the sooner these leaders rallied to Stalin, the more far-sightedness they displayed."[50]


Execution

In 1931 Preobrazhensky was expelled again for smuggling in "the Trotskyite contraband" and of the "right opportunistic deviation."[51] He was readmitted the following year[52] and in 1934 he gave a repentant speech at the Seventeenth Party Congress, saying that "If you cannot force yourselve to speak teh way the party speaks, you should still go with the party, should speak like everyone else, don't try to act smart, have more trust in the party."[51]

In 1935 he was expelled and then on 20 December 1936 he was arrested and appeared as a prosecution witness against Zinoviev and Kamenev at their trial in Moscow in 1936. He himself was a defendant in the trial of Radek and Piatakov in 1937, but because he refused to confess[53] he did not appear at his own trial. He was shot on 13 July 1937, the day the verdict of death was delivered.

Rehabilitation

Legacy

Politics

Preobrazhensky described himself to John Maynard Keynes as being a "professional revolutionary".[54] His economic critique was animated by "the desire to broaden the democracy of worker and party"[55] through creating "a large, well-educated industrial working class that could manage society democratically in its own interests."[56]

Barrington Moore, commenting on the conflict in the NEP era "between the requirements of efficiency ... and the goals of the Communist Party" observed that Preobrazhensky (at the XII Congress in 1923[57]) "put his finger on the difficulty, pointing out that under the NEP, in which government and private industry competed to a considerable extent, the socialist managers who were able to operate their plants with the greatest possible profit might not be the ones who were doing the Party and the working class the most good on a long-run basis."[58]


Economic Theory

In his review of the English translation of The New Economics Evsey Domar wrote that Preobrazhensky "was one of the brightest lights of the Golden Age of Soviet economic thought in the nineteen-twenties" who "showed a keen understanding of the basic issues" and whose "implied model is still applicable to many underdeveloped countries where modern industry is but an island in a peasant sea...."[59] He has been described as "one of the most creative and important Marxist economists of this (the 20th) century.... one of the very few economists to date who have developed Marxian economics rather than repeated Marx's economics."[60]

Preobrazhensky is credited with being "the first Marxist to attempt to adapt Marx's analysis of capitalist industrialization to Soviet conditions"[61], "the first socialist economist to attempt to develop a theory of socialist development"[62], and developing "a fully Marxian scheme of monopolistic accumulation and crisis"[63].

Regarding his writings on money, Donald A. Filtzer wrote "Preobrazhensky's writings on inflation are a notable contribution to the Marxist theory of money" citing in particular "The Reasons for the Fall in the Exchange Rate of Our Ruble" and "A Theory of Depreciating Currency"[64]

R. W. Davies wrote that "Preobrazhensky was a percipient economist."[65] He has been credited with "anticipating Harrod's theory" of growth[66], discovering "what Keynesians would later refer to as the 'foreign trade multiplier,'".[67]


Preobrazhensky influenced a number of Marxist economists, most notably Paul Baran, who attended a course given by Preobrazhensky in Moscow in the 1930s [68] and later described Prebrazhensky as "one of the most brilliant economists in the Communist Party."[69]

Early Writings

From N.E.P. to Socialism

He argued for priority being given to vocational education so as to build a larger, more homogeneous, and skilled working class:

Then, the development of a system of technical education of the workers had a great influence. Every working-class youth who had undergone technical training was acquainted with the elements of a number of trades. The children of unskilled workers and the children of peasants who had emigrated to the towns studied on an equal footing with the children of skilled workers.

The level of skill of all sections of the workers became more equal, and it was no longer possible to pay young workers who had been through technical school as though they were unskilled, even in those cases when they were assigned to unskilled work.

As regards inequality of payment between the workers and the technical personnel – this too began to be evened out, as the higher technical schools filled up with students who were all from the workers’ faculties, and later with young workers from the lower and middle technical schools. This entailed a gradual regeneration of the tissue of the entire cadre of specialists in the country. The new, Red worker-engineers looked on themselves as merely more highly skilled workers than the rest of the proletariat and did not expect to be paid for their work at such rates as the bourgeois specialists demanded.

The New Economics

In 1959 Isaac Deutscher wrote that in this book Preobrazhensky

made the first serious and still unequaled attempt to apply the 'categories' of Marx's "Das Kapital" to the Soviet economy.... [T]he "New Economics" remains a landmark in Marxist thought. The anticipatory analysis it gave of the processes of primitive socialist accumulation will remain topical as long as there are under-developed countries in the world which strive to industrialize on a socialist basis.[70]

Later Writings

Donald Filtzer notes: "As late as 1933 ... we find Soviet articles attacking his "egalitarian" theories of wages and work incentives, which clashed head on with the policy of extreme individualization of incentives (piece rates, "shock work", and the like) then being put in place."[71]

Select Bibliography

Autobiography and Biography

Like many other leading Bolsheviks, Preobrazhensky contributed an autobiography for the . It is available on-line at . A partial translation to English, with a supplementary biographical note by one of the editors is in:

  • Makers of the Russian Revolution by G. Haupt and J.J. Marie (?: ?, 19??).

The fullest biographical treatment of his life in English is .

  • Life and works of Evgenii Alekseevich Preobrazhenskii by M.M. Gorinov and S.V. Tsakunov, Translated by Konstantin Gurevic in Slavic Review, Vol. 50 No. 2 (Summer, 1991), pp. 286-296.

Also useful:

  • Portrait: Evgeny Preobrazhensky by Donald Filtzer in Challenge: The Magazine of Economic Affairs Vol. 22 No. 1 (March-April 1979) pp. 64-6.

There are two biographical articles in Russian:

  • Евгений Преображенский: становление революционера by М. М. Горинов in Отечественная история No. 1 (1999).
  • Горинов М.М., Цакунов С.В. Евгений Преображенский: трагедия революционера// Отечественная история No. 2 (1992).

Major works

Preobrazhensky's major works are:

  • The ABC of Communism (with N. Bukharin) available at Marxists Internet Archive
  • The New Economics. The second chapter of The New Economics, titled The Law of Primitive Socialist Accumulation, was originally presented to the Communist Academy in August 1924 as The Fundamental Law of Socialist Accumulation. In his presentation of Preobrazhensky's argument in Socialism in One Country[72] Carr records any significant variations between the two versions.

Preobrazhensky's description of the printing press as the "machine-gun of the Commissariat of Finance which poured its fire into the rear of the bourgeois order" is in:

  • Bumazhnye den'gi v epokhu proletarskoi diktatury (Paper Money in the Epoch of the Proletarian Dictatorship) (Tiflis: Gosizdat, 1921).

Filtzer comments (p xlviii, n7) that "Preobrazhensky's writings on inflation are a notable contribution to the Marxist theory of money, the literature on which is not overly abundant", suggesting "in particular" the following two articles:

  • Prichiny padeniia kursa nashego rublia (The Reasons for the Fall in the Exchange Rate of Our Ruble)
  • Teoriia padaiushchei valhtty (A Theory of Depreciating Currency)

In The Crisis of Soviet Industrialization pages 237-40 Filtzer presents a selected bibliography of Preobrazhensky's writings that "lists the books and articles written by Preobrazhensky from 1920 to 1931".[73]

Notes

  1. ^ a b c d e Gorinov & Tsakunov 1991, p. 286
  2. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 191
  3. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, pp. 191–2
  4. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 192-4
  5. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 194-5
  6. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 195-7
  7. ^ Deutscher 2003, p. 174
  8. ^ a b c d Gorinov & Tsakunov 1991, p. 287 n. 14
  9. ^ a b c Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 197
  10. ^ a b Kowalski 1991, p. 65; the quote is Kowalski's paraphrase, citing (n. 26) VI sʺezd pp. 104-5, 197, 202 Cite error: The named reference "Kowalski1991p65" was defined multiple times with different content (see the help page).
  11. ^ Gorinov & Tsakunov 1993, p. 286 n. 9, citing VI sʺezd RSDRP(b), 250
  12. ^ Daniels 1984, p. 18.
  13. ^ Service 1979, p. 69, citing F. I. Goloshchekin in Ural'skii Rabochii (Ekaterinburg), no. 3, 5 January 1918. Note that (per Pipes' Russian Revolution, pp. 748-9) Goloshchekin was the Military Commissar of the Urals region and a member of the Ekaterinburg Cheka.
  14. ^ Kingston-Mann 1983, p. 167 the quote is Kingston-Mann's paraphrase of Preobrazhensky from VI sʺezd, p. 116
  15. ^ Kowalski 1991, p. 92, the quoted words are Kowalski's summary of Preobrazhensky's argument in that article.
  16. ^ Kowalski 1991, pp. 90–91
  17. ^ Bone 1974, p. 193
  18. ^ Kowalski 1991, p. 71
  19. ^ Bone 1974, p. 189
  20. ^ Bone 1974, p. 197
  21. ^ Kowalski 1991, p. 159
  22. ^ Kowalski 1991, pp. 65-6 citing Leninskii sbornik, XI, pp. 40-1
  23. ^ Kowalski 1991, p. 66 citing Bone pp. 175-80
  24. ^ Service 1979, p. 82
  25. ^ Schapiro 1971, p. 185
  26. ^ Kowalski 1991, p. 19
  27. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 197. Preobrazhensky's account of this period runs: "I took part in the suppression of the left-wing SR rising, was slightly wounded in the left temple during the storming of the central telegraph office which was occupied by the SRs (6-8 July), and was then dispatched by the RVS to the Kursk area for a few days to maintain discipline among troops on the Ukrainian border. From Moscow I set off back to the Urals, where Ekaterinburg had already been taken by Kolchak (26 July)"
  28. ^ Rayfield 2004, p. 179 no source given
  29. ^ Stalin & XYZ, p. 000
  30. ^ Benvenuti 1988, pp. 88–91
  31. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 198
  32. ^ Fitzpatrick 1970, p. 214-6 His predecessor Schmidt's dismissal was confirmed on 7 March (p. 214); by 31 March Preobrazhensky is representing Glavprofobr at the Narkompros Collegium (p. 216)
  33. ^ Preobrazhensky 1973, p. 45
  34. ^ McClelland 1971, p. 821
  35. ^ McClelland 1971, p. 821 quoting N. K. Krupskaia, Pedagogicheskie sochineniia v desiati tomakh (Moscow, 1957-63), 7:12
  36. ^ Preobrazhensky 1973, p. 47
  37. ^ Konecny 1999, p. 56 citing (n. 58) "O professional'no-tekhnicheskom obrazovanii," Narodnoe prosveshchenie, no. 85 (1921): 6-9
  38. ^ Fitzpatrick 2002, p. 268, n14
  39. ^ Fitzpatrick 1970, p. 353, n31
  40. ^ Fitzpatrick 1970, p. 226 quoting from Odinnadtsatyi syezd RKP(b) (1961) p. 142
  41. ^ Rosenberg 1990, p. 112
  42. ^ Beecher & Fomichev 2006, p. 000
  43. ^ de Mowbray 1990, p. 210
  44. ^ Conquest 2008, p. 11
  45. ^ Ellman 2008, p. 611
  46. ^ Fagan 1980, p. 49
  47. ^ Fagan 1980, p. 55
  48. ^ Dewey 1937, p. zzz, citing Bulletin of the Opposition, No. 6, October, 1929
  49. ^ Dewey 1937, p. zzz
  50. ^ Marot 2007, p. 175
  51. ^ a b Gorinov & Tsakunov 1991, p. 295
  52. ^ Preobrazhensky 1974, p. 201
  53. ^ Conquest 2008, p. 120
  54. ^ Dobb 1967, p. 138
  55. ^ Gorinov & Tsakunov 1991, p. 289
  56. ^ Filtzer 1979c, p. 65
  57. ^ Institut marksizma-leninizma 1968, p. 141-2
  58. ^ Moore 1950, p. 167
  59. ^ Domar 1966, p. 252
  60. ^ Bottomore 1983, p. 390-1
  61. ^ Bottomore 1991, p. 258
  62. ^ Willoughby 2000, p. 119
  63. ^ Glasner & Cooley 1997, p. 541
  64. ^ Filtzer 1980, p. xlviii
  65. ^ Davies 1900, p. 1081
  66. ^ Roncaglia 2005, p. 275
  67. ^ Day 1985, p. xxix
  68. ^ Deutscher 1965, p. 94
  69. ^ Baran 1943, p. 317
  70. ^ Deutscher 2003, p. 173
  71. ^ Filtzer 1979, p. 64
  72. ^ Carr 1970, pp. 219–22
  73. ^ Filtzer 1979b, p. 237

References

  • Baran, Paul A. (1943), "Appendix B: Cost Accounting and Price Determination in the Soviet Union", in Conference on Price Research. Committee on Price Determination (ed.), Cost behavior and price policy, New York: National Bureau of Economic Research, OCLC 407055{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Benvenuti, Francesco (1988), The Bolsheviks and the Red Army, 1918-1922, New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521257719, OCLC 16873812{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Carr, E. H. (1985a) [1950], The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-1923, vol. 1, New York: Norton, ISBN 0393301958, OCLC 11519760{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Carr, E. H. (1985b) [1952], The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-1923, vol. 2, New York: Norton, ISBN 0393301974, OCLC 85906750{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Carr, E. H. (1985c) [1953], The Bolshevik Revolution 1917-1923, vol. 3, New York: Norton, ISBN 0393301990, OCLC 154578777{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Carr, E. H. (1970) [1958], Socialism In One Country, vol. 1, Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin, ISBN 0140210385, OCLC 8141875{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Carr, E. H., ed. (1969), "Editor's Introduction", The ABC of Communism, Baltimore, Maryland: Penguin, OCLC 15416{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Conquest, Robert (2008), The Great Terror : a reassessment, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0195317009, OCLC 187417785{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Daniels, Robert V. (1984), A Documentary History of Communism, vol. 2, London: I.B. Tauris, ISBN 1850430357, OCLC 220616721{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Deutscher, Isaac (2003), The prophet unarmed: Trotsky, 1921-1929, London: Verso, ISBN 1-85984-4464, OCLC 56469695{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Deutscher, Isaac (1965), "Statement", in Sweezy, Paul M.; Huberman, Leo (eds.), Paul A. Baran (1910-1964) A Collective Portrait, New York: Monthly Review Press, OCLC 186688{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Dobb, Maurice (1967), Capitalism, development and planning, New York: International Publishers, ISBN 0717802744, OCLC 349149{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Domar, Evsey D. (1966), "Review: Preobrazhensky's New Economics Revisited", Soviet Studies (October), ISSN 0966-8136, JSTOR 149524, OCLC 474525878 {{citation}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help)CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Ellman, Michael (2008), "Preobrazhensky, Evgenii Alexeyevich (1886-1937)", in Blume, Lawrence E; Durlauf, Steven N (eds.), The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics, vol. 6, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 0230226426, OCLC 181424188{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Fagan, Gus, ed. (1980), Selected Writings on Opposition in the USSR 1923-30, London: Allison and Busby, ISBN 0850313791, OCLC 7515685{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Filtzer, Donald A., ed. (1979a), "Introduction", The Crisis of Soviet Industrialization, White Plains, New York: M. E. Sharpe, ISBN 0873321219, OCLC 5842874{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Filtzer, Donald A., ed. (1979b), "Bibliography", The Crisis of Soviet Industrialization, White Plains, New York: M. E. Sharpe, ISBN 0873321219, OCLC 5842874{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Filtzer, Donald (1979c), "Portrait: Evgeny Preobrazhensky", Challenge (March–April), ISSN 0577-5132, OCLC 5464845{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Filtzer, Donald (2004), "Preobrazhensky, Yevgeny Alexeyevich", in Millar, James R (ed.), Encyclopedia of Russian history, vol. 3, New York: Macmillan Reference, ISBN 0028656938, OCLC 464652425{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Fitzpatrick, Sheila (1970), The Commissariat of Englightenment, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 0521079195, OCLC 121289{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
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  • Gorinov, M.M.; Tsakunov, S.V. (1991), "Life and works of Evgenii Alekseevich Preobrazhenskii", Slavic Review (Summer), ISSN 0037-6779, JSTOR 2500204, OCLC 5537901 {{citation}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help)CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Institut marksizma-leninizma (1968), Dvenadt︠s︡atyĭ sʺezd RKP(b), 17-25 apreli︠a︡ 1923 goda : stenograficheskiĭ otchet, Moscow: Izd-vo polit. lit-ry, OCLC 14984573{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Kingston-Mann, Esther (1983), Lenin and the problem of Marxist peasant revolution, New York: Oxford University Press, ISBN 0195032780, OCLC 8763362{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Kowalski, Ronald I (1991), The Bolshevik Party In Conflict, Pittsburgh PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, ISBN 0822911612, OCLC 22625208{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Moore, Barrington (1950), Soviet politics: the dilemma of power, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, OCLC 504528{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • de Mowbray, Stephen A (1990), Key facts in Soviet history, Volume 1: 1917 - 1941, vol. 1, Boston, MA: G. K. Hall & Co, ISBN 0816118205, OCLC 80637387{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Pipes, Richard (1990), The Russian Revolution, New York: Knopf, ISBN 0394502418, OCLC 19922264{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Preobrazhensky, Evgeny (1990) [1918], "Съезд Необходим (Congress Required)", in Kowalski, Ronald I (ed.), Kommunist: organ Moskovskago oblastnogo bi︠u︡ro R.K.P. (bolʹshevikov), Millwood, New York: Kraus International Publications, ISBN 0527873217, OCLC 22469063{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Preobrazhensky, Evgeny (1974) [1927], "Evgeny Preobrazhensky", in Haupt, Georges; Marie, Jean Jacques (eds.), Makers of the Russian Revolution, Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, ISBN 0-80140-809-1, OCLC 1078455{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
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  • W, S L (1990), "Preobrazhensky, Yevgeniy Aleksandrovich", in Brown, Archie (ed.), The Soviet Union : A Biographical Dictionary, New York: Macmillan, ISBN 0028970713, OCLC 23748652{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)
  • Service, Robert (1979), The Bolshevik Party In Revolution 1917-1923, New York: Barnes & Noble Books, ISBN 006496180X, OCLC 4515389{{citation}}: CS1 maint: date and year (link)

Further reading

On the transition from capitalism to socialism

  1. Preobrazhenski and the Economics of Soviet Industrialization by Alexander Erlich in The Quarterly Journal of Economics vol. 64, no. 1 (February 1950), pp. 57-88. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1881959.
  2. The Soviet industrialization debate, 1924-1928 by Alexander Erlich (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1960). OCLC 227754.
  3. Preobrazhensky and the Theory of the Transition Period by Richard B. Day in Soviet Studies XXVIII, no. 2 (April 1975), pp. 196–219. http://www.jstor.org/stable/150589.
  4. Preobrazhensky and the problem of the Soviet transition by Donald Filtzer in Critique: Journal of Socialist Theory, 1748-8605, Vol. 9 No.1 Summer 1978, pages 63 – 84. DOI: 10.1080/03017607808413225.

Primitive Socialist Accumulation

  1. On 'Primitive' and Other Forms of Socialist Accumulation by R. B. Day in Labour/Le Travailleur No.10 (Autumn, 1982), 10 pgs. http://www.jstor.org/stable/25140145.
  2. Preobrazhensky's theory of primitive socialist accumulation by Richard C.K. Burdekin in Journal of Contemporary Asia, 1752-7554, Vol. 19 No.3, 1989, Pages 297 – 307.
  3. The economics of price scissors: A defence of Preobrazhensky by Jean-Marie Baland in European Economic Review Vol. 37 No. 1 (January 1993) pp. 37-60. http://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/001429219390069M.
  4. On a Mistake of Preobrazhensky and Stalin by Michael Ellman in Journal of Development Studies, April 1978. http://dare.uva.nl/record/107312.
  5. Did the Agricultural Surplus Provide the Resources for the Increase in Investment in the USSR during the First Five Year Plan? by Michael Ellman in Economic Journal, Vol. 85 (December, 1975) pp. 844-63. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2230627.
  6. The Discussions of the Twenties on Planning and Economic Growth by Maurice Dobb in Soviet Studies, Vol. 17 No. 2 (Oct., 1965), pp. 198-208. http://www.jstor.org/pss/149995. From "Russian economic history" by Daniel R. Kazmer and Vera Kazmer (1977): "Much attention is given to the work of the Soviet economist Preobrazhensky."
  7. Was Stalin Really Necessary? by James Millar and Alec Nove in Problems of Communism Vol. XXV No. 4 (July-August 1976).
  8. Primary Accumulation in the Soviet Transition by Mark Harrison in Journal of Development Studies Vol. 22 No. 1 (1985), pp. 81-103. http://www2.warwick.ac.uk/fac/soc/economics/staff/faculty/harrison/public/jds85postprint.pdf.
  9. Soviet Primary Accumulation Processes: Some Unresolved Problems by M Harrison in Science and Society Vol. 45 No. 4 (1981/82) pp. 387-408. http://ideas.repec.org/p/wrk/warwec/152.html.
  10. Revolutionary Intellectuals and the Soviet Union by Rossana Rossanda in Socialist Register (1974). http://socialistregister.com/index.php/srv/article/view/5324/2225.
  11. A Note on Primitive Accumulation in Marx and Preobrazhensky by James R. Millar in Soviet Studies vol. 30 no. 3 (July 1978), p. 392. http://www.jstor.org/stable/150705.

Marxist Economics

  1. What Did the Study of the Soviet Economy Contribute to Mainstream Economics? by Michael Ellman in Comparative Economic Studies, vol. 51, issue 1 pp. 1-19. DOI: 10.1057/ces.2008.42.
  2. Soviet Primary Accumulation Processes: Some Unresolved Problems by M Harrison in Science and Society Vol. 45 No. 4 (1981/82) pp. 387-408. http://ideas.repec.org/p/wrk/warwec/152.html.
  3. Testing Early Soviet Economic Alternatives by Holland Hunter and Janusz M. Szyrmer in Slavic Review, Vol. 50 No. 2 (Summer, 1991), pp. 253-267. http://www.jstor.org/pss/2500201.
  4. The Soviet ideology of industrialization: A review article by M Kaser in Journal of Development Studies Vol. 3 No. 1 (October 1966) pp. 63 - 75. DOI: 10.1080/00220386608421208.
  5. A Reassessment of the Soviet Industrial Revolution by Robert C. Allen in Comparative Economic Studies, Vol. 47 (2005). http://www.palgrave-journals.com/ces/journal/v47/n2/pdf/8100101a.pdf.
  6. Soviet Industrialization Reconsidered: Some Preliminary Conclusions about Economic Development between 1926 and 1941 by S. G. Wheatcroft, R. W. Davies and J. M. Cooper in The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 39 No. 2 (May, 1986), pp. 264-294. http://www.jstor.org/pss/2596153.
  7. Lenin and Bukharin on the transition from capitalism to socialism: The Meshchersky controversy, 1918 by H. Ray Buchanan in Europe-Asia Studies 28.1 (1976) pp. 66 – 82. DOI: 10.1080/09668137608411042.
  8. On the Political Economy of the Transition Period by Paresh Chattopadhyay in Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 6, No. 30/32, Special Number (Jul., 1971), pp. 1709+1711-1718. http://www.jstor.org/pss/4382354.
  9. Economic Education and Economic Research in the Soviet Union by I. Zvavich in The Economic Journal Vol. 53, No. 212 (Dec., 1943), pp. 415-418. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2226411.

Inflation theory

  1. Central Planning and Unintended Consequences: Creating the Soviet Financial System, 1930-1939 by Paul R. Gregory and Aleksei Tikhonov in The Journal of Economic History, Vol. 60, No. 4 (Dec., 2000), pp. 1017-1040. http://www.jstor.org/pss/2698085.
  2. The Contribution of Mykhailo Tuhan-Baranovsky to Monetary Economics by I. S. Koropeckyj in History of Political Economy, Spring 1991; 23: 61 - 78. http://hope.dukejournals.org/cgi/pdf_extract/23/1/61.
  3. Financial Stabilization and a way out of the Crisis. Lessons from the Soviet Chervonetz (in Russian) by Y. Goland in Kommunist No. 3 (1991) pp. 54-64, and No 4, pp. 57-66.

Reproduction Schemas

  1. Dobb and the Marx-Fel'dman model: a problem in Soviet economic strategy by Alexander Erlich in Cambridge Journal of Economics 1978, 2 pp. 203-214. http://cje.oxfordjournals.org/cgi/reprint/2/2/203.
  2. Marx and Contemporary Models of Socialist Economy by John E. Elliott in History of Political Economy, Summer 1976; 8: 151 – 184. http://hope.dukejournals.org/cgi/reprint/8/2/151.
  3. Economic Thought in the Soviet Union by A. Zauberman in The Review of Economic Studies, Vol. 16, No. 1 (1948 - 1949), pp. 1-12. http://www.jstor.org/stable/2296139.
  4. Hyperinflation and Monetary Reform in the Soviet Union, 1921-26 by Joyce E. Pickersgill in The Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 76, No. 5 (Sep. - Oct., 1968), pp. 1037-1048. http://www.jstor.org/stable/1830035.
  5. Planning and the Real Origins of Input-Output Analysis by D. L. Clark in Journal of Contemporary Asia Vol. 14 No. 4 (1984).
  6. Tugan-Baranovsky as a pioneer of trade cycle analysis by Vincent Barnett in Journal of the History of Economic Thought, Volume 23, Issue 4 December 2001, pages 443 – 466. DOI: 10.1080/10427710120096956.
  7. Social technology and political economy: the debate on the soviet origins of input-output analysis by Amanar Akhabbar (unpublished paper – draft – do not quote: History of Economics Research Group Second Workshop 21 December 2006 Nanterre University).

The ABC of Communism

  1. The Mystery of the ABC by Lars T. Lih in Slavic Review, Vol. 56 No. 1 (Spring, 1997), pp. 50-72. http://www.jstor.org/pss/2500655.

Oppositional activities

  1. Trotsky and Preobrazhensky: The Troubled Unity of the Left Opposition by Richard Day in Studies in Comparative Communism, vol. X, nos. 1-2 (Spring-Summer, 1977) pp. 69-86. DOI: 10.1016/S0039-3592(77)80077-X.
  2. The Left Opposition in 1923 by David S. Law in Critique: Journal of Socialist Theory, 1748-8605, Vol. 2 No.1, 01 1974, Pages 37 – 52.
  3. Support for the Opposition in Moscow in the Party Discussion of 1923-1924 by Darron Hincks in Soviet Studies, Vol. 44, No. 1 (1992), pp. 137-151. http://www.jstor.org/pss/152252.
  4. The Left Communist Movement of 1918: A preliminary analysis of its regional strength in Study Group on the Russian Revolution: Sbornik No. 12 (1986).
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