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Eviction in the United States refers to the pattern of tenant removal by landlords in the United States.^[1] In an eviction process, landlords forcibly remove tenants from their place of residence and reclaim the property.^[2] Landlords may decide to evict tenants who have failed to pay rent, violated lease terms, or possess an expired lease.^[1] Landlords may also choose not to renew a tenant's lease, however, this does not constitute an eviction.^[2] In the United States, eviction procedures, landlord rights, and tenant protections vary by state and locality.^[2] Historically, the United States has seen changes in domestic eviction rates during periods of major socio-political and economic turmoil—including the Great Depression, the 2008 Recession, and the COVID-19 pandemic. High eviction rates are driven by affordable housing shortages and rising housing costs.^[3] Across the United States, low-income and disadvantaged neighborhoods have disproportionately higher eviction rates.^[4] Certain demographics—including low income renters, Black and Hispanic renters, women, and people with children—are also at a greater risk of eviction.^[4] Additionally, eviction filings remain on renters' public records. This can make it more difficult for renters to access future housing, since most landlords will not rent to a tenant with a history of eviction.^[1] Eviction and housing instability are also linked to many negative health and life outcomes, including homelessness, poverty, and poor mental and physical health.

Unfortunately, the United States eviction crisis is not fully understood due to poorly documented eviction records and limited research on the topic.^[5] Landlord-initiated expulsion of tenants is not officially tracked or monitored by the federal government and has not been subject to comprehensive analysis. In 2016, sociologist Matthew Desmond published Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City which brought wide-scale attention to the United States eviction crisis.^[6] In his book, Desmond researches and analyzes eviction patterns in impoverished Milwaukee neighborhoods. Desmond also emphasizes racial and gender disparities in eviction rates and the subsequent social cost on these evictees.^[6] In 2017, Desmond established The Eviction Lab: an interactive website that publicizes data on eviction trends across the United States.^[7]

History

19th century

The Trail of Tears

See main article: Trail of Tears

The Trail of Tears refers to the mass eviction of around 100,000 American Indians from their homelands, which stretched across Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama. The majority of evictions occurred after the passage of the United States Indian Removal Act of 1830.^[8]

In 1832, the Supreme Court ruled on the case Worcester v. Georgia, stipulating that the evacuation of the American Indian tribes was unconstitutional. However, because the president at the time, Andrew Jackson, did not agree with the ruling, it was not enforced. The evacuation of natives in the southern states continued.^[9]

In 1834, the Treaty of New Echota was passed. This required the Cherokee tribe to move to Oklahoma within two years for a compensation of five million dollars. However, when many Cherokees remained in 1838, they were forcibly removed by the military with deaths totaling over 4,000 people.^[9]

20th century

The Great Depression

See main article: Great Depression in the United States

During the Great Depression, eviction rates increased significantly due to high unemployment rates.^[10] In 1933, U.S. unemployment rates reached an all time high of 24.9%.the US.^[11]

These evictions led to the Great Rent Strike War of 1932.^[12]^: 12 During the strike, which started in The Bronx, tenants withheld their rent while demanding decreases in rent and evictions. Tenants who did not pay were evicted, and police officers forced residents out of their apartments. Tenants violently fought police officers, leading to arrests. At first, the strikes were unsuccessful because landlords were legally supported. Eventually, strikes spread across the country and led to decreases in rent and eviction rates.^[13]

One result of housing issues that occurred during the Great Depression was the passage of the Housing Act of 1937, often referred to as the Wagner-Steagall Act. This act established public housing in the United States.^[14] Within the first four years of its establishment, 170,000 housing units were created.^[15]

Japanese American internment during WWII

See main article: Internment of Japanese Americans

During World War II, mass evictions of Japanese Americans on the West Coast occurred due to perceived threats of national security after the Pearl Harbor bombings.^[16] Evictions began in early 1942 after the inaction of Executive Order 9066 by president Franklin Roosevelt.^[17] Within six months, 112,000 people were sent to internment camps. Those who were forced into these internment camps were slowly released after the end of the war in 1945.^[16] The last internment camp did not close until nine months after the end of the war. In 1948, Congress passed a law that would reimburse Japanese Americans for their material losses; however, only ten cents of every dollar was repaid. In 1988, President Ronald Reagan signed a bill that paid each survivor of internment camps $20,000.^[17]

21st century

Great Recession

See main article: Great Recession

During the recession of 2008, eviction rates rose significantly due to property foreclosures. In the early months of the recession, renters were evicted with little notice due to landlords foreclosing on properties. However, in May 2009, the Protecting Tenants at Foreclosure Act was passed. This law required "new owners to provide at least 90 days notice to vacate and to honor the terms of any existing leases."^[18]

COVID-19 pandemic

During the COVID-19 pandemic in the United States, mass job loss and unemployment led to fears of mass evictions as tenants became unable to pay rent. An analysis by the Aspen Institute indicated between 19 and 23 million, or 20 percent of renters, were at risk for eviction by the end of September, 2020;^[19] a separate July 2021 United States Census Bureau survey projects 7 million households unable to pay rent and at risk of eviction, with a potential 3 million eviction filings in the next two months.^[20]

In response, the federal CARES Act included an eviction moratorium for federally-backed rental properties; however, this expired on July 24, 2020,^[21] and no enforcement mechanism was provided.^[22] States and cities also passed a variety of temporary eviction moratoriums.^[23]^[24]^[25] As these moratoriums expired over the course of 2020, there were fears of a massive wave of evictions; by mid-June 2020, over 40% of states offered renters no protections.^[26]

Nevertheless, on September 4, 2020, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) issued an Agency Order known as Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19.^[27] This agency order will be effective from September 4 to December 31, 2020, during which time, "a landlord, owner of a residential property, or another person with a legal right to pursue eviction or possessory action, shall not evict any covered person from any residential property in any jurisdiction to which the order applies."^[27]

Under The Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19, a covered person is a tenant that has given their landlord the legal right to evict them, but has declared, under penalty of perjury, that: available housing assistance has been pursued; homeless status is likely after the eviction; the tenant is making their best efforts to pay at least part of the rent, there was a substantial household income loss that prevents the tenant from paying rent; and the tenant will not earn more than $99,000 USD in annual income for the taxable year of 2020, or will not be required to report incomes in 2019, or, under the CARES Act received an Economic Impact Payment.^[28] This eviction moratorium was allowed to expire on July 31, 2021.^[29]

However, that does not mean that the individual obligations to comply with the agreements on the tenancy contract are relieved. The order does not eliminate individual obligations to make housing payments, pay the rent, or add interest, if applicable.^[30] Moreover, tenants can still be evicted for other reasons apart from not complying with the timely payment. For instance, evictions due to criminal activity, violation of building codes, and threats to other residents' safety are allowed under the order.^[30]

In addition, the agency order will not apply in areas that already have an eviction moratorium. For example, the Governor of California stated that the Temporary Halt will not apply in the state because they have established a stronger protection.^[31] Furthermore, the order allows states to enact other actions aimed to provide even further assistance to tenants, which implies that tenants not covered by the federal order, could be covered by some state protection.^[25]

In this way, there are states and cities that issued their own eviction moratoriums.^[25] For instance, the state of Massachusetts issued the "Bill providing temporary protections for renters and home owners during the COVID-19 emergency". However, the moratorium waived on October 17, 2020. Hence, the CDC order will take effect.^[32]

On August 3, 2021, the CDC issued a new eviction moratorium in areas with substantial and high transmission of COVID-19.^[33]^[34]^[35] On August 26, 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against the federal eviction moratorium put in place by U.S. President Joe Biden and ruled that the CDC had exceeded its authority by enforcing it.^[36]^[37]^[38]

Eviction process

Reasons for eviction

Landlords can evict tenants for failing to pay rent, violating lease agreements, or having an expired lease.^[2] Landlords can also expel tenants for breaking the law, damaging property, engaging in violence or causing a disturbance. Other legitimate reasons for eviction include improper property use, such as illegal subletting or cannabis cultivation.^[39] However, most renters are evicted for non-payment of rent.^[39] In 2018, a DC eviction report found that 93% of eviction filings in DC were initiated for non-payment of rent.^[40]^[41]

Landlords may also file for evictions in situations where the tenant is not culpable, known as a "no-fault eviction". In most American municipalities, landlords have the legal right to expel tenants at their discretion, even if the tenant has not broken any lease agreements. For example, landlords can evict tenants if they want to sell or reoccupy their property.^[42] Additionally, landlords have no legal obligation to renew a tenant's lease and may choose not to for any reason.^[2]

Legal protections

While landlords may evict tenants for various reasons, there are legal protections that protect tenants and prohibit unfair evictions. Foremost, landlords may only carry out evictions that follow federal, state, and local statutes. For example, the Federal Fair Housing Act prohibits housing discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion, sex, familial status, or disability.^[43] Thus, it is illegal for a landlord to evict a tenant based on any of these characteristics. Additionally, landlords cannot evict tenants who have filed a fair housing complaint or discrimination lawsuit against them.^[2] Tenants also have the right to report housing code violations without the risk of retaliatory evictions. This protection extends to lease renewals—in Edwards v. Habib, the court established that landlords cannot refuse to renew a tenant's lease for reporting a code violation.^[44] In some states, landlords are prohibited from issuing an eviction following any form of a tenant-initiated report.^[2]

Certain demographic groups are granted further protections to protect against unjust evictions. For example, federal housing assistance recipients cannot be evicted through "no-fault" evictions.^[45] Tenants using federal housing expenditures—such as LIHTC, Section 8 vouchers, or public housing can still be evicted—but these evictions must be initiated for lease violations or rent non-payment.^[45]

Prior to an eviction, landlords must issue an eviction notice, often referred to as a Notice to Quit.^[2] In this notice, landlords must provide sufficient information detailing the reason for eviction and options available for the tenant.^[46] Landlords are prohibited from threatening, harming, harassing, or intimidating evictees, even if they are non-compliant.^[46] If an evicted tenant refuses to leave the property, landlords cannot create a hostile environment that would force a tenant to leave the property, a process known as "constructive eviction".^[47] For example, landlords may not change a tenant's locks, cut off water or heat, or shut off other essential utilities.^[48]

Eviction law

A fair eviction process is regulated through federal law, state law, local law, common law, and court procedures.^[2] There are limited federal laws dedicated specifically to domestic eviction regulation. However, there are federal protections in place that protect tenants against unlawful housing practices. For example, the federal Fair Housing Act prohibits discrimination in housing based on race, color, national origin, religion, sex, disability, or familial status.^[49] While eviction laws vary by region, most state and local legislation mirrors the Uniform Residential Landlord and Tenant Act (URLTA) or the Model Residential Landlord-Tenant Code.^[2] Eviction procedures are also regulated by common law—law based on legal precedents, rather than formal statutes.^[2] In other words, when no written law applies to an eviction case, past court decisions are used to guide judge rulings. In some cases, lease terms can override common law.^[2] Additionally, court procedures—which vary by municipality—can influence an eviction case.^[2] For instance, the organization of a court's docket systems can impact the amount of time it takes a landlord to carry out an eviction.^[2] During Covid-19, the federal government passed the CARE Act, which included a temporary eviction moratorium for eligible renters.

Causes

Each year, millions of renters and homeowners are evicted across the United States.^[50] Rising housing costs and affordable housing shortages have catalyzed a nationwide housing insecurity crisis, driving up eviction rates. Over the past few decades, housing prices have outpaced the median household income, making it increasingly difficult for renters and homeowners to secure affordable housing.^[51] The Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University found that 26.5% of US renters were severely cost-burdened in 2013, almost twice the rate as in 1960.^[51] Further, most renting families under the poverty line spend more than 50% of their income on rent, with one in four such families spending over 70% of their income on rent and utilities.^[52] For low-income renters, rising rents and housing affordability issues are exacerbated by a shortage of low-cost housing units.^[53] In 2019, the US had a shortage of 7 million affordable housing units for renters at or below the poverty line, according to data from the National Low Income Housing Coalition.^[53] In 2015, only one in four eligible low-income renters received housing assistance, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.^[54] In a climate of housing insecurity, cost-burdened renters face an increased risk of eviction.

In addition to individual risk factors, neighborhood composition is highly correlated with eviction patterns.^[45] The risk of eviction is significantly higher in neighborhoods with high degrees of racial or economic segregation.^[45] Using data from Princeton University's Eviction Lab, a 2020 study found that eviction filings were significantly higher in black-majority neighborhoods than in white majority neighborhoods.^[55] Additionally, an analysis of eviction rates in Southern California found that a neighborhood's racial or economic composition was a greater predictor of eviction filings than housing market changes.^[56] In other words, neighborhoods with a greater concentration of low-income or black tenants had higher eviction rates than neighborhoods with rising rent.^[56] Similar patterns can be seen with inter-neighborhood dynamics—research indicates that low-income neighborhoods in Seattle not only faced higher eviction rates, but neighborhoods bordering low-income areas also faced higher eviction rates.^[45] Disadvantaged neighborhoods with high eviction rates face constant instability, which further disincentivizes community investment and involvement.^[57]

When housing pressures are extreme, even middle-class and working-class renters are evicted by landlords eager to capitalize on the rising market rates, such as in San Francisco during the various tech booms. In such circumstances, landlords may seize upon minor violations that were previously tolerated, such as keeping a small pet or storing a bicycle in the hallway, to evict renters. The situation in California is aggravated by the Ellis Act, which allows landlords to evict tenants and immediately sell vacant apartments as condominiums.^[58]

Disproportionately impacted evictees

Low-income renters

Low-income renters and homeowners face higher eviction rates and are also disproportionately impacted by the consequences of eviction.^[1] Foremost, low-income renters often lack the financial means to navigate the eviction process. For example, an Alabama Law study found that only 16.4% of Illinois households received any form of legal representation for their legal problems, with housing being the second most common legal issue for low-income households.^[1] A lack of financial resources can be a barrier to accessing legal representation, which puts low-income renters at a disadvantage in court. This disparity is especially prevalent in eviction cases, since eviction law is complex and difficult to interpret. In a study referenced in Pepperdine Law Review, researchers found that unrepresented low-income tenants in New York City fared significantly worse in court than represented low-income tenants—unrepresented tenants were more likely to default in court and more likely to receive a warrant of eviction.^[59] Without legal support, defendants may not be able to build or articulate a sound defense that holds up in a court. One study of Philadelphia's housing court found that tenants who had legal representation were almost 20 times more likely to prevail in court than those without legal representation.^[60] Additionally, eviction-related court hearings in Chicago are almost two minutes shorter when the landlord has a legal defense and the tenant does not.^[1]

Unexpected financial costs—such as job loss, drop in income, or medical bills—can jeopardize housing stability and potentially lead to eviction.^[61] This is especially true for poor tenants, who may not have the financial safety net to absorb unexpected costs. In addition, low-income individuals are more likely to lack financial literacy skills, which is associated with an increased likelihood of eviction.^[39] Similarly, low-income renters who fail to seek out or use housing-related subsidies are at increased risk of future eviction.^[39]

Black and Hispanic renters

Black tenants face significantly higher filing and eviction rates than their white counterparts.^[7] Looking at neighborhood racial composition in Milwaukee, sociologist Matthew Desmond found that majority-black neighborhoods had an average annual eviction rate of 7.4%, compared to 1.4% in majority-white neighborhoods.^[4] In this study, Desmond also emphasizes the dual disadvantage black women face in housing—black women face the highest eviction rates of any demographic group.^[4] In an interview with The Atlantic, Desmond reported that approximately one in five black women will experience eviction, compared to one in fifteen white women.^[62] Eviction rates are also linked to the racial concentration of neighborhoods. The RVA Eviction Lab, in Richmond, Virginia, estimates that as the proportion of a neighborhood's black population increases by 10%, eviction rates would increase by 1.2%.^[63]

Hispanic renters also face higher filing and eviction rates than their white counterparts. In a study published in the Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review, researchers investigated the relationship between Hispanic origin and eviction in Milwaukee. These researchers saw a strong correlation between Hispanic tenants' risk of eviction and neighborhood racial composition.^[57] In Milwaukee neighborhoods that were two-thirds white, approximately 80% of landlords were white. In these same neighborhoods, the average eviction rate was 25%, yet the eviction rate for Hispanics was upwards of 35%.^[57] The study also found that Hispanic renters were significantly more likely to be evicted by white landlords than non-white landlords.^[57] According to Greenberg et al, these findings suggest that discrimination contributes to racial disparities in Milwaukee eviction rates.^[57]

Women

Women, especially minority women, are disproportionately impacted by eviction. Between 2003 and 2007, women made up 60.6% of the evicted population in Milwaukee and 62% of people who appeared in eviction court. This is likely because women are more likely to be impoverished in America, and therefore have less access to legal resources.^[57] When homeless men and women were asked why they were homeless, women cited eviction nearly twice as often as much as men did, according to a study in the Journal of Social Distress and the Homelessness.^[64] Black and Hispanic women face the highest eviction rates and are the most represented demographic in eviction hearings.^[6] For example, in Baltimore, 79% of tenants in eviction cases were black women, yet black women only make up 34% of Baltimore's population.^[1]

According to Desmond, women face higher eviction rates than men because they have more difficulty paying rent. Across the United States, the wage gap disadvantages women, with women earning less on average than their male counterparts.^[65] Additionally, women spend more money than men on child and domestic expenses, further driving income inequality and inhibiting women from paying rent.^[4]

Families with children

Renters with children are at increased risk of eviction.^[45] According to Matthew Desmond, renters with children have an eviction rate three times higher than the average.^[62] This is because landlords believe that children have the potential to be problematic. In addition, neighborhoods with more children will also have higher rates of evictions.^[45] Greenberg et al found that having a child is more strongly correlated with neighborhood eviction patterns than race, gender, or class.^[57]

By the age of 15, approximately 15% of children will have experienced eviction. This has a negative impact on the behavioral development, education, and health of children.^[66] A study following low-income urban mothers revealed that evicted mothers are "more likely to suffer from depression, report worse health for themselves and their children, and report more parenting stress."^[67] After two years, mothers who experienced evictions still reported significantly higher levels of mental distress.^[67] Pregnancy during eviction is also related to negative health outcomes for women and their offspring. Pregnant women who experienced evictions have significantly lower infant birth weights and infant prematurity rates compared to non-pregnant women.^[68]

Consequences

Housing insecurity and poverty

Experiencing eviction is associated with many negative socioeconomic outcomes, including an increased risk of housing instability, job loss, homelessness, and poor health.^[57] Having a record of eviction makes it extremely difficult to secure decent housing.^[57] A legal eviction will nearly always go on an evictee's permanent record, barring them from future housing opportunities.^[69] When an eviction is filed in the court system, this record becomes available to landlords. Landlords can look up the records of prospective renters through a tenant screening report.^[1] Through this screening, landlords can find information about prospective tenants' criminal backgrounds, credit scores, and eviction history. If an individual has any history of eviction, this will show up on their record—even if the case was dismissed and the tenant was found not guilty.^[1] Most landlords will not accept tenants with any form of an eviction record.^[1] Tenants with a record of eviction can also be denied subsidized housing. This exclusion further exacerbates housing instability for minority groups who are most reliant on subsidized housing—in 2019, 42% of HUD program-assisted renters were Black, 19% were Hispanic, and 36% had children, according to the US Department of Housing and Urban Development.^[45]

According to sociologist Matthew Desmond, eviction is a cause of poverty, as well as a result of it.^[6] Evicted individuals are often forced to accept lower quality housing and move to neighborhoods with higher crime and poverty rates.^[45] Experiencing an eviction also increases the risk of job loss and job instability, which exacerbates housing instability.^[70] Evicted individuals are uprooted from their communities, forcing them to sever ties with family, schools, religious organizations, and other social support systems. Following an eviction, tenants may also lose personal property—personal possessions are routinely thrown away, left on the sidewalk, or placed in storage that can only be accessed by paying a fee.^[71] Protecting or recovering personal possessions can be particularly difficult for poor, elderly, and disabled individuals, who may be unable to access or afford storage.^[71]

Following an eviction, evictees may spend months, or even years, searching for decent housing.^[1] In some cases, securing housing becomes impossible and eviction leads to homelessness—In Eric Lindblom's book, Homelessness in America, Lindblom found that one in two homeless adults reports eviction or rent affordability as the cause of their homelessness.^[72] In 2010, a New York City report estimated that 47% of homeless families in New York City homeless shelters had experienced eviction.^[1]

Mental health

Various studies have emphasizes that evictees are more likely to experience negative mental health outcomes, including anxiety, depression, psychological distress, and suicide.^[73] Research has found that the stress of even receiving an eviction notice is so substantial that it can be a predictor of a tenant's future housing insecurity, even if the tenant is not evicted.^[45] The eviction process is also tied to long-term psychological issues for tenants and their children.^[1] In a longitudinal study on eviction, Matthew Desmond found that evicted adults were more likely to report poor mental health both one year and eight years following their eviction.^[74] Individuals who experience eviction have disproportionately higher rates of anxiety and depression. In a sample of evicted adults, the Michigan Recession and Recovery Study found that 13.9% of those evicted in the past 12 months suffered from major or minor depression and that 33.8% had experienced an anxiety attack in the last 4 weeks.^[75] Additionally, across the 27 states that participate in the National Violent Death Reporting System in 2015, 3.8% of those who committed suicide with known circumstances had recently experienced eviction.^[76]

Physical health

One physical health impact that eviction has on tenants evicted is an increased spread and contraction of COVID-19. This is because of actions tenants take after being evicted. When evicted, residents must find other places to live, such as a homeless shelter or a friend's house. According to the CDC, "adding as few as two new members to a household can as much as double the risk of illness." Additionally, when people are living in the same household, it is much harder to adhere to social distancing protocols. The mental health consequences of eviction also weaken the immune system, increasing transmission.^[77]

In addition, eviction predisposes tenants to hazardous housing conditions, which can lead to negative health outcomes.^[78] Following an eviction, low-income renters often cannot secure decent housing, forcing them to settle for poorly maintained or unsafe units. Renters in substandard housing units may face increased exposure to dust, mold, allergens, pests, and other hazards.^[1] Additionally, evictees are often forced into improvised neighborhoods, which typically have higher levels of air and water pollution.^[79] As a result, renters face an increased risk of respiratory illness, cardiovascular disease, and other health issues.^[1] Substandard housing is also more likely to contain lead-contaminated walls and water, which can be particularly dangerous for children. Exposure to lead, even in small doses, can have serious health consequences for children, including developmental delays, decreased intelligence, and serious neurological and brain damage.^[1]

Eviction rates also create a higher risk for one to contract sexually transmitted infections. There is a variety of factors that increase this risk for those evicted. Often those evicted do not have access to STI protection to condoms. Additionally, those evicted could participate in sexual activity for resources. Mental health also plays a role in the increased transmission of STIs, as sexual activity has been seen to be used as a coping mechanism for the associated stress with eviction. Eviction also has an impact on monogamous relationships, which can lead to increased partners and an increased risk for STIs.^[80]

Rates and locations

There is no government reporting system on eviction, so variance by location and time were, at best, little understood and, at worst, invisible. This began to change with the implementation of Princeton University's Eviction Lab which published the results of an analysis of 900,000 eviction notices that occurred in 2016.^[81]

Large U.S. cities with highest eviction rates, 2016^[82]
Rank	City	Eviction Rate
1	North Charleston, South Carolina	16.5%
2	Richmond, Virginia	11.44%
3	Hampton, Virginia	10.49%
4	Newport News, Virginia	10.23%
5	Jackson, Mississippi	8.75%
6	Norfolk, Virginia	8.65%
7	Greensboro, North Carolina	8.41%
8	Columbia, South Carolina	8.22%
9	Warren, Michigan	8.08%
10	Chesapeake, Virginia	7.9%

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External links

Eviction Lab from Matthew Desmond at Princeton University—a nationwide database of evictions

[:9-1] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m ⁿ ^o ^p Gold, Allyson E. (Fall 2016). "No home for justice: how eviction perpetuates health inequity among low-income and minority tenants". Georgetown Journal on Poverty Law & Policy. 24 (1): 59–88. SSRN 2992594. Gale A488711843.

[:10-2] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j ^k ^l ^m ⁿ "Eviction". 2022. LII / Legal Information Institute. https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/eviction Archived 2022-09-15 at the Wayback Machine .

[3] Raymond, Elora L.; Duckworth, Richard; Miller, Benjmain; Lucas, Michael; Pokharel, Shiraj (December 2016). "Corporate Landlords, Institutional Investors, and Displacement: Eviction Rates in Singlefamily Rentals" (PDF). SSRN 2893552. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2022-10-21. Retrieved 2022-11-14. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

[:4-4] Desmond, Matthew (July 2012). "Eviction and the Reproduction of Urban Poverty". American Journal of Sociology. 118 (1): 88–133. doi:10.1086/666082. S2CID 44826562.

[:15-5] Tsai, Jack; Huang, Minda (May 2019). "Systematic review of psychosocial factors associated with evictions". Health & Social Care in the Community. 27 (3): e1–e9. doi:10.1111/hsc.12619. PMID 30014532. S2CID 51657469.

[:11-6] Desmond, Matthew. Evicted: Poverty and profit in the American city. Crown, 2016.

[:14-7] "The Eviction Lab". Eviction Lab. Archived from the original on 2022-10-21. Retrieved 2022-10-21.

[8] Thornton, Russell (1984). "Cherokee Population Losses during the Trail of Tears: A New Perspective and a New Estimate". Ethnohistory. 31 (4): 289–300. doi:10.2307/482714. JSTOR 482714. PMID 11616951.

[:5-9] Sundquist, Matthew L. (2010). "Worcester v. Georgia: A Breakdown in the Separation of Powers". American Indian Law Review. 35 (1): 239–255. JSTOR 41148666. SSRN 1751125. Archived from the original on 2022-11-22. Retrieved 2022-11-14.

[10] Abbott, Edith; Kiesling, Katherine (1935). "Evictions during the Chicago Rent Moratorium Established by the Relief Agencies, 1931-33". Social Service Review. 9 (1): 34–57. doi:10.1086/631571. JSTOR 30010392. S2CID 144058836.

[11] U.S, Full Bio Follow Linkedin Kimberly Amadeo is an expert on; Economies, World; investing; Analysis, With Over 20 Years of Experience in Economic; Amadeo, business strategy She is the President of the economic website World Money Watch Read The Balance's editorial policies Kimberly. "Compare Today's Unemployment with the Past". The Balance. Archived from the original on 2021-04-25. Retrieved 2021-04-25. {{cite web}}: |first5= has generic name (help)CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)

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[18] Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. "Rental Market Stresses: Impacts of the Great Recession on Affordability and Multifamily Lending." What Works Collaborative, July 2011.

[19] "20 Million Renters Are at Risk of Eviction; Policymakers Must Act Now to Mitigate Widespread Hardship". The Aspen Institute. 2020-06-19. Archived from the original on 2021-08-06. Retrieved 2020-07-11.

[20] "Week 33 Household Pulse Survey: June 23 – July 5". United States Census Bureau. 2021-07-14. Archived from the original on 2021-08-06. Retrieved 2021-08-08.

[21] "Foreclosure and Eviction Moratoriums Under the CARES Act". natlawreview.com. The National Law Review. Archived from the original on 2021-05-26. Retrieved 2020-07-19.

[22] Ernsthausen, Jeff; Simani, Ellis; Elliott, Justin (16 April 2020). "Despite Federal Ban, Landlords Are Still Moving to Evict People During the Pandemic". ProPublica.org. ProPublica. Archived from the original on 2021-08-05. Retrieved 2020-07-26.

[23] Shaw, Al; Simani, Ellis; Ernsthausen, Jeff (May 18, 2020). "Can I Be Evicted During Coronavirus?". ProPublica.org. ProPublica. Archived from the original on 2021-06-13. Retrieved 2020-07-19.

[24] Eviction Lab. "COVID-19 Housing Policy Scorecard". Eviction Lab. Evictionlab.org. Archived from the original on 2021-08-02. Retrieved 2020-07-26.

[nolobans-25] O’Connell, Ann; Attorney. "Emergency Bans on Evictions and Other Tenant Protections Related to Coronavirus". nolo.com. Retrieved 2020-07-26.

[26] Lussenhop, Jessica (2020-08-07). "Why US is expecting an 'avalanche' of evictions". BBC News. Archived from the original on 2021-08-01. Retrieved 2021-08-08.

[:0-27] "Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19". federalregister.gov. Federal Register. 2020-09-04. Archived from the original on 2021-04-25. Retrieved 2020-11-10.

[28] Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. "HHS CDC TEMPORARY HALT IN RESIDENTIAL EVICTIONS TO PREVENT THE FURTHER SPREAD OF COVID19 FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS" (PDF). CDC.gov. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2021-06-23. Retrieved 2020-11-10.

[29] Shepardson, David (2021-08-01). "U.S. COVID-19 eviction ban expires, leaving renters at risk". Reuters. Archived from the original on 2021-08-06. Retrieved 2021-08-08.

[:1-30] National Center for State Courts (2020-09-08). "Temporary halt in residential evictions to prevent the further spread of COVID-19". Archived from the original on 2020-09-13. Retrieved 2020-11-10.

[31] "Gov. Newsom: CDC eviction ban does not apply in California". California Apartment Association. 2020-09-02. Archived from the original on 2020-11-11. Retrieved 2020-11-10.

[32] "Mass. Ban on Pandemic Evictions, Foreclosures Ending". NBC Boston. 17 October 2020. Archived from the original on 2020-11-03. Retrieved 2020-11-16.

[33] "CDC Issues Eviction Moratorium Order in Areas of Substantial and High Transmission". Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2021-08-03. Archived from the original on 2021-08-06. Retrieved 2021-08-08.

[34] "Temporary Protection from Eviction". Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2021-08-03. Archived from the original on 2021-08-06. Retrieved 2021-08-08.

[35] "Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions in Communities with Substantial or High Levels of Community Transmission of COVID-19 to Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19" (PDF). Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. 2021-08-03. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2021-08-06. Retrieved 2021-08-08.

[36] "Supreme Court throws out Biden administration eviction moratorium". CNN. 27 August 2021. Archived from the original on 29 August 2021. Retrieved 28 August 2021.

[37] Liptak, Adam; Thrush, Glenn (26 August 2021). "Supreme Court Ends Biden's Eviction Moratorium". New York Times. Archived from the original on 30 August 2021. Retrieved 28 August 2021.

[38] Sherman, Mark (27 August 2021). "Supreme Court allows evictions to resume during pandemic". Associated Press. Archived from the original on 30 August 2021. Retrieved 28 August 2021.

[:44-39] Holl, Marieke; van den Dries, Linda; Wolf, Judith R. L. M. (September 2016). "Interventions to prevent tenant evictions: a systematic review". Health & Social Care in the Community. 24 (5): 532–546. doi:10.1111/hsc.12257. PMID 26109137.

[40] McCabe, Brian J.; Rosen, Eva (2020). "Eviction in Washington, DC: Racial and geographic disparities in housing instability" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 2022-08-17. Retrieved 2022-11-08. {{cite journal}}: Cite journal requires |journal= (help)

[41] Eviction in Washington DC: Racial and Geographic Disparities in Housing Instability. Georgetown McCourt. 22 October 2020. Archived from the original on 14 November 2022. Retrieved 14 November 2022.

[42] Rodriguez-Dod, Eloisa (2013). "'But My Lease Isn't Up Yet!': Finding Fault with 'No- Fault' Evictions". University of Arkansas at Little Rock Law Review. 35 (4): 839–870. SSRN 2972266. Archived from the original on 2022-11-14. Retrieved 2022-11-14.

[43] “Housing Discrimination under the Fair Housing Act.” HUD.gov / U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/fair_housing_equal_opp/fair_housing_act_overview Archived 2019-05-08 at the Wayback Machine .

[44] Rabin, Edward (1 March 1984). "Revolution in Residential Landlord-Tenant Law: Causes and Consequences". Cornell Law Review. 69 (3): 517–584. Archived from the original on 14 November 2022. Retrieved 14 November 2022.

[:62-45] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ ^j Preston, Gregory; Reina, Vincent J. (3 September 2021). "Sheltered From Eviction? A Framework for Understanding the Relationship Between Subsidized Housing Programs and Eviction". Housing Policy Debate. 31 (3–5): 785–817. doi:10.1080/10511482.2021.1879202. S2CID 234352840.

[:13-46] Lindsey, Lauren (1 January 2010). "Protecting the Good-Faith Tenant: Enforcing Retaliatory Eviction Laws by Broadening the Residential Tenant's Options in Summary Eviction Courts". Oklahoma Law Review. 63 (1): 101. Archived from the original on 14 November 2022. Retrieved 14 November 2022.

[47] “Constructive Eviction.” Legal Information Institute. Legal Information Institute https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/constructive_eviction Archived 2022-07-05 at the Wayback Machine .

[48] Frey, David J. (1974). "Landlord-Tenant Law Reform in Cincinnati". University of Cincinnati Law Review. 43: 175.

[49] Massey, Douglas S. (June 2015). "The Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act". Sociological Forum. 30 (Suppl 1): 571–588. doi:10.1111/socf.12178. JSTOR 43654407. PMC 4808815. PMID 27034538.

[50] Hartman, Chester; Robinson, David (1 January 2003). "Evictions: The hidden housing problem". Housing Policy Debate. 14 (4): 461–501. doi:10.1080/10511482.2003.9521483. S2CID 153979584.

[:16-51] Charette, Allison, Chris Herbert, Andrew Jakabovics, Ellen Tracy Marya, and Daniel T. McCue. "Projecting trends in severely cost-burdened renters: 2015–2025." Harvard University’s Joint Center for Housing Studies and Enterprise Community Partners Inc (2015). http://www.wikisolver.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/Rent-Crisis-2015.pdf Archived 2022-11-09 at the Wayback Machine

[Lab_why-52] "Why Eviction Matters". Eviction Lab. Princeton University. 2018-04-16. Archived from the original on 2024-06-30. Retrieved 2018-04-16.

[:17-53] “Out of Reach.” National Low Income Housing Coalition.https://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/oor/2021/Out-of-Reach_2021.pdf Archived 2022-11-09 at the Wayback Machine

[54] Keene, Danya E.; Niccolai, Linda; Rosenberg, Alana; Schlesinger, Penelope; Blankenship, Kim M. (2020). "Rental Assistance and Adult Self-Rated Health". Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved. 31 (1): 325–339. doi:10.1353/hpu.2020.0025. PMC 8969280. PMID 32037334.

[55] Merritt, Breanca; Farnworth, Morgan D. (3 September 2021). "State Landlord–Tenant Policy and Eviction Rates in Majority-Minority Neighborhoods". Housing Policy Debate. 31 (3–5): 562–581. doi:10.1080/10511482.2020.1828989. S2CID 228865645.

[:18-56] Lens, Michael C.; Nelson, Kyle; Gromis, Ashley; Kuai, Yiwen (December 2020). "The Neighborhood Context of Eviction in Southern California". City & Community. 19 (4): 912–932. doi:10.1111/cico.12487. S2CID 214200041. Archived from the original on 2024-02-01. Retrieved 2023-04-09.

[:3-57] ^ ^a ^b ^c ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ⁱ Deena, Greenberg; Gershenson, Carl; Desmond, Matthew (2016). "Discrimination in Eviction: Empirical Evidence and Legal Challenges" (PDF). Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review. 51: 115–158. Archived (PDF) from the original on 2024-06-30. Retrieved 2021-03-30.

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@@ Line 1: / Line 1: @@
 {{Short description|Landlord removals of rental housing tenants in the North American country}}
-[[File:East Side Eviction.jpg|thumb|Evicted men and child with belongings on street. ''[[New York City]], 1910s.'']] '''Eviction in the United States''' refers to the pattern of tenant removal by landlords in the United States.<ref name=":9">Gold, Allyson E. "No home for justice: How eviction perpetuates health inequity among low-income and minority tenants." Geo. J. on Poverty L. & Pol'y 24 (2016): 59.https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/geojpovlp24&div=6&g_sent=1&casa_token=&collection=journals</ref> In an [[eviction]] process, landlords forcibly remove tenants from their place of residence and reclaim the property.<ref name=":10">"Eviction". 2022. LII / Legal Information Institute. <nowiki>https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/eviction</nowiki>.</ref> Landlords may decide to evict tenants who have failed to pay rent, violated lease terms, or possess an expired lease.<ref name=":9" /> Landlords may also choose not to renew a tenant's lease, however, this does not constitute an eviction.<ref name=":10" /> In the United States, eviction procedures, landlord rights, and tenant protections vary by state and locality.<ref name=":10" /> Historically, the United States has seen changes in domestic eviction rates during periods of major socio-political and economic change—including the [[Great Depression|Great Depression,]] the [[Great Recession|2008 Recession]], and the [[COVID-19 pandemic|Covid-19 pandemic]].  High eviction rates are driven by affordable housing shortages and rising housing costs.<ref>Raymond, Elora L., Richard Duckworth, Benjmain Miller, Michael Lucas, and Shiraj Pokharel. "Corporate landlords, institutional investors, and displacement: Eviction rates in singlefamily rentals." ''FRB Atlanta community and economic development discussion paper'' 2016-4 (2016).</ref> Across the United States, low-income and disadvantaged neighborhoods have disproportionately high eviction rates.<ref name=":4">{{Cite journal |last=Desmond |first=Matthew |date=July 2012 |title=Eviction and the Reproduction of Urban Poverty |url=https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1086/666082 |journal=American Journal of Sociology |volume=118 |issue=1 |pages=88–133 |doi=10.1086/666082 |issn=0002-9602 |s2cid=44826562}}</ref> Certain demographics—including Black and Hispanic renters, women, and people with children—are also at a greater risk of eviction.<ref name=":4" /> Additionally, eviction filings remain on renters public records. This can make it more difficult for renters to access future housing, since most landlords will not rent to a tenant with a history of eviction.<ref name=":9" /> Eviction and housing instability is also linked to many negative health and life outcomes, including [[Homelessness in the United States|homelessness]], [[Poverty in the United States|poverty]], and poor [[Mental health|mental]] and [[physical health]].  {{Living spaces}}
+[[File:East Side Eviction.jpg|thumb|Evicted men and child with belongings on street. [[New York City]], 1910s.]] '''Eviction in the United States''' refers to the pattern of tenant removal by landlords in the United States.<ref name=":9">{{cite journal |last1=Gold |first1=Allyson E. |title=No home for justice: how eviction perpetuates health inequity among low-income and minority tenants |journal=Georgetown Journal on Poverty Law & Policy |date=Fall 2016 |volume=24 |issue=1 |pages=59–88 |id={{Gale|A488711843}} |ssrn=2992594 }}</ref> In an [[eviction]] process, landlords forcibly remove tenants from their place of residence and reclaim the property.<ref name=":10">"Eviction". 2022. LII / Legal Information Institute. https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/eviction {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220915065127/https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/eviction |date=2022-09-15 }} .</ref> Landlords may decide to evict tenants who have failed to pay rent, violated lease terms, or possess an expired lease.<ref name=":9" /> Landlords may also choose not to renew a tenant's lease, however, this does not constitute an eviction.<ref name=":10" /> In the United States, eviction procedures, landlord rights, and tenant protections vary by state and locality.<ref name=":10" /> Historically, the United States has seen changes in domestic eviction rates during periods of major socio-political and economic turmoil—including the [[Great Depression]], the [[Great Recession|2008 Recession]], and the [[COVID-19 pandemic]].  High eviction rates are driven by affordable housing shortages and rising housing costs.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Raymond |first1=Elora L. |last2=Duckworth |first2=Richard |last3=Miller |first3=Benjmain |last4=Lucas |first4=Michael |last5=Pokharel |first5=Shiraj |title=Corporate Landlords, Institutional Investors, and Displacement: Eviction Rates in Singlefamily Rentals |date=December 2016 |url=https://www.atlantafed.org/-/media/documents/community-development/publications/discussion-papers/2016/04-corporate-landlords-institutional-investors-and-displacement-2016-12-21.pdf |ssrn=2893552 |access-date=2022-11-14 |archive-date=2022-10-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221021055033/https://www.atlantafed.org/-/media/documents/community-development/publications/discussion-papers/2016/04-corporate-landlords-institutional-investors-and-displacement-2016-12-21.pdf |url-status=live }}</ref> Across the United States, low-income and disadvantaged neighborhoods have disproportionately higher eviction rates.<ref name=":4">{{cite journal |last1=Desmond |first1=Matthew |title=Eviction and the Reproduction of Urban Poverty |journal=American Journal of Sociology |date=July 2012 |volume=118 |issue=1 |pages=88–133 |doi=10.1086/666082 |s2cid=44826562 }}</ref> Certain demographics—including low income renters, Black and Hispanic renters, women, and people with children—are also at a greater risk of eviction.<ref name=":4" /> Additionally, eviction filings remain on renters' public records. This can make it more difficult for renters to access future housing, since most landlords will not rent to a tenant with a history of eviction.<ref name=":9" /> Eviction and housing instability are also linked to many negative health and life outcomes, including [[Homelessness in the United States|homelessness]], [[Poverty in the United States|poverty]], and poor [[Mental health|mental]] and [[physical health]].  {{Living spaces}}
-Unfortunately, the United States' eviction crisis is not fully understood due to poorly documented eviction records and limited research on the topic.<ref name=":15">Tsai, Jack, and Minda Huang. "Systematic review of psychosocial factors associated with evictions." ''Health & Social Care in the Community'' 27, no. 3 (2019): e1-e9. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/hsc.12619 </ref> Landlord-initiated expulsion of tenants is not officially tracked or monitored by the federal government and has not been subject to comprehensive analysis. In 2016, sociologist [[Matthew Desmond]] published [[Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City]] which brought wide-scale attention to the United States’ eviction crisis.<ref name=":11">Desmond, Matthew. ''Evicted: Poverty and profit in the American city''. Crown, 2016.</ref> In his book, Desmond researches and analyzes eviction patterns in improvised Milwaukee neighborhoods. Desmond also emphasizes racial and gender disparities in eviction rates and the subsequent social cost on these evictees.<ref name=":11" /> In 2017, Desmond established [https://evictionlab.org/ The Eviction Lab]: an interactive website that publicizes data on eviction trends across the United States.<ref name=":14">{{Cite web |last=Lab |first=Eviction |title=The Eviction Lab |url=https://evictionlab.org/ |access-date=2022-10-21 |website=Eviction Lab |language=en-US}}</ref>
+Unfortunately, the United States eviction crisis is not fully understood due to poorly documented eviction records and limited research on the topic.<ref name=":15">{{cite journal |last1=Tsai |first1=Jack |last2=Huang |first2=Minda |title=Systematic review of psychosocial factors associated with evictions |journal=Health & Social Care in the Community |date=May 2019 |volume=27 |issue=3 |pages=e1–e9 |doi=10.1111/hsc.12619 |pmid=30014532 |s2cid=51657469 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Landlord-initiated expulsion of tenants is not officially tracked or monitored by the [[Federal government of the United States|federal government]] and has not been subject to comprehensive analysis. In 2016, sociologist [[Matthew Desmond]] published [[Evicted: Poverty and Profit in the American City]] which brought wide-scale attention to the United States eviction crisis.<ref name=":11">Desmond, Matthew. ''Evicted: Poverty and profit in the American city''. Crown, 2016.</ref> In his book, Desmond researches and analyzes eviction patterns in impoverished Milwaukee neighborhoods. Desmond also emphasizes racial and gender disparities in eviction rates and the subsequent social cost on these evictees.<ref name=":11" /> In 2017, Desmond established [https://evictionlab.org/ The Eviction Lab]: an interactive website that publicizes data on eviction trends across the United States.<ref name=":14">{{Cite web |title=The Eviction Lab |url=https://evictionlab.org/ |access-date=2022-10-21 |website=Eviction Lab |language=en-US |archive-date=2022-10-21 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221021230852/https://evictionlab.org/ |url-status=live }}</ref>
 == History ==
-=== 19th Century ===
+=== 19th century ===
 ==== The Trail of Tears ====
 ''See main article: [[Trail of Tears]]''
-The Trail of Tears refers to the mass eviction of around 100,000 American Indians from their homelands, which stretched across Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama. The majority of evictions occurred after the passage of the United States [[Indian Removal Act|Indian Removal Act of 1830]].<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Thornton|first=Russell|date=1984|title=Cherokee Population Losses during the Trail of Tears: A New Perspective and a New Estimate|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/482714|journal=Ethnohistory|volume=31|issue=4|pages=289–300|doi=10.2307/482714|jstor=482714|pmid=11616951|issn=0014-1801}}</ref>
+The Trail of Tears refers to the mass eviction of around 100,000 American Indians from their homelands, which stretched across Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Tennessee, and Alabama. The majority of evictions occurred after the passage of the United States [[Indian Removal Act|Indian Removal Act of 1830]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Thornton |first1=Russell |title=Cherokee Population Losses during the Trail of Tears: A New Perspective and a New Estimate |journal=Ethnohistory |date=1984 |volume=31 |issue=4 |pages=289–300 |doi=10.2307/482714 |jstor=482714 |pmid=11616951 }}</ref>
-In 1832, the supreme court ruled on the case ''[[Worcester v. Georgia]]'', stipulating that the evacuation of the American Indian tribes was unconstitutional. However, because the president at the time, [[Andrew Jackson]], did not agree with the ruling, it was not enforced. The evacuation of natives in the southern states continued.<ref name=":5">{{Cite journal|last=Sundquist|first=Matthew L.|title=Worcester V. Georgia: A Breakdown in the Separation of Powers|date=2010|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41148666|journal=American Indian Law Review|volume=35|issue=1|pages=239–255|jstor=41148666|issn=0094-002X}}</ref>
+In 1832, the Supreme Court ruled on the case ''[[Worcester v. Georgia]]'', stipulating that the evacuation of the American Indian tribes was unconstitutional. However, because the president at the time, [[Andrew Jackson]], did not agree with the ruling, it was not enforced. The evacuation of natives in the southern states continued.<ref name=":5">{{cite journal |last1=Sundquist |first1=Matthew L. |title=Worcester v. Georgia: A Breakdown in the Separation of Powers |journal=American Indian Law Review |date=2010 |volume=35 |issue=1 |pages=239–255 |jstor=41148666 |ssrn=1751125 |url=https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/ailr/vol35/iss1/14/ |access-date=2022-11-14 |archive-date=2022-11-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221122042446/https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/ailr/vol35/iss1/14/ |url-status=live }}</ref>
 In 1834, the [[Treaty of New Echota]] was passed. This required the [[Cherokee]] tribe to move to Oklahoma within two years for a compensation of five million dollars. However, when many Cherokees remained in 1838, they were forcibly removed by the military with deaths totaling over 4,000 people.<ref name=":5" />
-=== 20th Century ===
+=== 20th century ===
 ==== The Great Depression ====
 ''See main article: [[Great Depression in the United States]]''
-During the [[Great Depression]], eviction rates increased significantly due to high unemployment rates.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Abbott|first1=Edith|last2=Kiesling|first2=Katherine|date=1935|title=Evictions during the Chicago Rent Moratorium Established by the Relief Agencies, 1931-33|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/30010392|journal=Social Service Review|volume=9|issue=1|pages=34–57|doi=10.1086/631571|jstor=30010392|s2cid=144058836|issn=0037-7961}}</ref> In 1933, U.S. unemployment rates reached an all time high of 24.9%.the U.S.. <ref>{{Cite web|last1=U.S|first1=Full Bio Follow Linkedin Kimberly Amadeo is an expert on|last2=Economies|first2=World|last3=investing|last4=Analysis|first4=With Over 20 Years of Experience in Economic|last5=Amadeo|first5=business strategy She is the President of the economic website World Money Watch Read The Balance's editorial policies Kimberly|title=Compare Today's Unemployment with the Past|url=https://www.thebalance.com/unemployment-rate-by-year-3305506|access-date=2021-04-25|website=The Balance|language=en}}</ref>
+During the [[Great Depression]], eviction rates increased significantly due to high unemployment rates.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Abbott |first1=Edith |last2=Kiesling |first2=Katherine |title=Evictions during the Chicago Rent Moratorium Established by the Relief Agencies, 1931-33 |journal=Social Service Review |date=1935 |volume=9 |issue=1 |pages=34–57 |doi=10.1086/631571 |jstor=30010392 |s2cid=144058836 }}</ref> In 1933, U.S. unemployment rates reached an all time high of 24.9%.the US.<ref>{{Cite web|last1=U.S|first1=Full Bio Follow Linkedin Kimberly Amadeo is an expert on|last2=Economies|first2=World|last3=investing|last4=Analysis|first4=With Over 20 Years of Experience in Economic|last5=Amadeo|first5=business strategy She is the President of the economic website World Money Watch Read The Balance's editorial policies Kimberly|title=Compare Today's Unemployment with the Past|url=https://www.thebalance.com/unemployment-rate-by-year-3305506|access-date=2021-04-25|website=The Balance|language=en|archive-date=2021-04-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210425202433/https://www.thebalance.com/unemployment-rate-by-year-3305506|url-status=live}}</ref>
-These evictions led to the Great Rent Strike War of 1932. During the strike, which started in [[The Bronx]], tenants withheld their rent while demanding decreases in rent and evictions. Tenants who did not pay were evicted, and police officers forced residents out of their apartments. Tenants violently fought police officers, leading to arrests. At first, the strikes were unsuccessful because landlords were legally supported. Eventually, strikes spread across the country and led to decreases in rent and eviction rates.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Recalling the Great Depression's anti-eviction struggles|url=https://www.workers.org/2008/us/anti-eviction_struggles_0221/|access-date=2021-04-25|website=www.workers.org}}</ref>
+These evictions led to the [[New York City Great Rent Strike War of 1932|Great Rent Strike War of 1932]].<ref name="Daniel">{{Cite encyclopedia |title=The Jewish Working Class in America |encyclopedia=Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History |url=https://oxfordre.com/americanhistory/display/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.001.0001/acrefore-9780199329175-e-935;jsessionid=F28070BE84FECC0DC4CC271E77397FC3 |last=Walkowitz |first=Daniel |date=November 29, 2021 |language=en |doi=10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.935 |isbn=978-0-19-932917-5}}</ref>{{Rp|page=12}} During the strike, which started in [[The Bronx]], tenants withheld their rent while demanding decreases in rent and evictions. Tenants who did not pay were evicted, and police officers forced residents out of their apartments. Tenants violently fought police officers, leading to arrests. At first, the strikes were unsuccessful because landlords were legally supported. Eventually, strikes spread across the country and led to decreases in rent and eviction rates.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Recalling the Great Depression's anti-eviction struggles|url=https://www.workers.org/2008/us/anti-eviction_struggles_0221/|access-date=2021-04-25|website=www.workers.org|archive-date=2021-04-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210425204211/https://www.workers.org/2008/us/anti-eviction_struggles_0221/|url-status=live}}</ref>
-One result of housing issues that occurred during the Great Depression was the passage of the [[Housing Act of 1937]], often referred to as the Wagner-Steagall Act. This act established public housing in the United States.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Key HUD Statutes {{!}} HUD.gov / U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)|url=https://www.hud.gov/hudprograms/keystatutes|access-date=2021-04-25|website=www.hud.gov}}</ref> Within the first 4 years of its establishment, 170,000 housing units were created.<ref>{{Cite web|title=United States Housing Act (1937)|url=https://livingnewdeal.org/glossary/united-states-housing-act-1937/|access-date=2021-04-25|website=Living New Deal|language=en-US}}</ref>
+One result of housing issues that occurred during the Great Depression was the passage of the [[Housing Act of 1937]], often referred to as the Wagner-Steagall Act. This act established public housing in the United States.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Key HUD Statutes {{!}} HUD.gov / U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD)|url=https://www.hud.gov/hudprograms/keystatutes|access-date=2021-04-25|website=www.hud.gov|archive-date=2021-04-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210425205005/https://www.hud.gov/hudprograms/keystatutes|url-status=live}}</ref> Within the first four years of its establishment, 170,000 housing units were created.<ref>{{Cite web|title=United States Housing Act (1937)|url=https://livingnewdeal.org/glossary/united-states-housing-act-1937/|access-date=2021-04-25|website=Living New Deal|date=18 November 2016|language=en-US|archive-date=2021-04-25|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210425204955/https://livingnewdeal.org/glossary/united-states-housing-act-1937/|url-status=live}}</ref>
 ==== Japanese American internment during WWII ====
 ''See main article: [[Internment of Japanese Americans]]''
-During [[World War II]], mass evictions of Japanese Americans on the West Coast occurred due to perceived threats of national security after the [[Pearl Harbor]] bombings.<ref name=":6">{{Cite web|date=2016-08-15|title=Japanese-American Internment During World War II|url=https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/japanese-relocation|access-date=2021-04-14|website=National Archives|language=en}}</ref> Evictions began in early 1942 after the inaction of Executive Order 9066 by president Franklin Roosevelt.<ref name=":7">{{Cite book|last=Ng|first=Wendy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=m636uSV19P0C|title=Japanese American Internment during World War II: A History and Reference Guide: A History and Reference Guide|date=2001-12-30|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-0-313-09655-6|language=en}}</ref>  Within 6 months, 112,000 people were sent to internment camps. Those who were forced into these internment camps were slowly released after the end of the war in 1945.<ref name=":6" /> The last internment camp did not close until nine months after the end of the war. In 1948, Congress passed a law that would reimburse Japanese Americans for their material losses; however, only ten cents of every dollar was repaid. Finally, in 1988, President Reagan signs a bill which paid each survivor of internment camps $20,000.<ref name=":7" />
+During [[World War II]], mass evictions of Japanese Americans on the West Coast occurred due to perceived threats of national security after the [[Pearl Harbor]] bombings.<ref name=":6">{{Cite web|date=2016-08-15|title=Japanese-American Internment During World War II|url=https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/japanese-relocation|access-date=2021-04-14|website=National Archives|language=en|archive-date=2019-03-01|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190301140007/https://www.archives.gov/education/lessons/japanese-relocation|url-status=live}}</ref> Evictions began in early 1942 after the inaction of Executive Order 9066 by president Franklin Roosevelt.<ref name=":7">{{Cite book|last=Ng|first=Wendy|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=m636uSV19P0C|title=Japanese American Internment during World War II: A History and Reference Guide: A History and Reference Guide|date=2001-12-30|publisher=ABC-CLIO|isbn=978-0-313-09655-6|language=en}}</ref>  Within six months, 112,000 people were sent to internment camps. Those who were forced into these internment camps were slowly released after the end of the war in 1945.<ref name=":6" /> The last internment camp did not close until nine months after the end of the war. In 1948, Congress passed a law that would reimburse Japanese Americans for their material losses; however, only ten cents of every dollar was repaid. In 1988, President [[Ronald Reagan]] signed a bill that paid each survivor of internment camps $20,000.<ref name=":7" />
-=== 21st Century ===
+=== 21st century ===
 ==== Great Recession ====
-[[File:Stop Evictions.jpg|thumb|In Minneapolis, Hennepin County community members [https://www.flickr.com/photos/44550450@N04/8777740264 protest] to demand accountability from the banking industry, following the [[Great Recession|2008 recession]]. ''May 21, 2013'']]
+[[File:Stop Evictions.jpg|thumb|In Minneapolis, Hennepin County community members [https://www.flickr.com/photos/44550450@N04/8777740264 protest] to demand accountability from the banking industry, following the [[Great Recession|2008 recession]]. May 21, 2013.]]
 ''See main article: [[Great Recession]]''
-During the recession of 2008, eviction rates rose significantly due to property [[Foreclosure|foreclosures]]. In the early months of the recession, renters were evicted with little notice due to landlords foreclosing on properties. However, in May of 2009, the Protecting Tenants at Foreclosure Act was passed. This law required “new owners to provide at least 90 days notice to vacate and to honor the terms of any existing leases.” <ref>Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. "[https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/media/imp/jchs_what_works_rental_market_stresses.pdf Rental Market Stresses: Impacts of the Great Recession on Affordability and Multifamily Lending.]" ''What Works Collaborative,'' July 2011.</ref>
+During the recession of 2008, eviction rates rose significantly due to property [[foreclosure]]s. In the early months of the recession, renters were evicted with little notice due to landlords foreclosing on properties. However, in May 2009, the Protecting Tenants at Foreclosure Act was passed. This law required "new owners to provide at least 90 days notice to vacate and to honor the terms of any existing leases."<ref>Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University. "[https://www.jchs.harvard.edu/sites/default/files/media/imp/jchs_what_works_rental_market_stresses.pdf Rental Market Stresses: Impacts of the Great Recession on Affordability and Multifamily Lending.]" ''What Works Collaborative,'' July 2011.</ref>
 ==== COVID-19 pandemic ====
 {{See also|COVID-19 eviction moratoriums in the United States}}
-During the [[COVID-19 pandemic in the United States]], mass job loss and unemployment led to fears of mass evictions as tenants became unable to pay rent. An analysis by the [[Aspen Institute]] indicated between 19 and 23 million, or 20 percent of renters, are at risk for eviction by the end of September, 2020;<ref>{{cite web |date=2020-06-19 |title=20 Million Renters Are at Risk of Eviction; Policymakers Must Act Now to Mitigate Widespread Hardship |url=https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/20-million-renters-are-at-risk-of-eviction/|access-date=2020-07-11 |website=The Aspen Institute |publisher=[[Aspen Institute | The Aspen Institute]] |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806202843/https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/20-million-renters-are-at-risk-of-eviction/ |archive-date=2021-08-06}}</ref> a separate July 2021 [[United States Census Bureau]] survey projects 7&nbsp;million households unable to pay rent and at risk of eviction, with a potential 3&nbsp;million eviction filings in the next two months.<ref>{{cite news |last= |first= |date=2021-07-14 |title=Week 33 Household Pulse Survey: June 23 – July 5 |url=https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2021/demo/hhp/hhp33.html |url-status=live |work=[[United States Census Bureau]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806182906/https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2021/demo/hhp/hhp33.html |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref>
+During the [[COVID-19 pandemic in the United States]], mass job loss and unemployment led to fears of mass evictions as tenants became unable to pay rent. An analysis by the [[Aspen Institute]] indicated between 19 and 23 million, or 20 percent of renters, were at risk for eviction by the end of September, 2020;<ref>{{cite web |date=2020-06-19 |title=20 Million Renters Are at Risk of Eviction; Policymakers Must Act Now to Mitigate Widespread Hardship |url=https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/20-million-renters-are-at-risk-of-eviction/|access-date=2020-07-11 |website=The Aspen Institute |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806202843/https://www.aspeninstitute.org/blog-posts/20-million-renters-are-at-risk-of-eviction/ |archive-date=2021-08-06}}</ref> a separate July 2021 [[United States Census Bureau]] survey projects 7&nbsp;million households unable to pay rent and at risk of eviction, with a potential 3&nbsp;million eviction filings in the next two months.<ref>{{cite news |last= |first= |date=2021-07-14 |title=Week 33 Household Pulse Survey: June 23 – July 5 |url=https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2021/demo/hhp/hhp33.html |url-status=live |work=[[United States Census Bureau]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806182906/https://www.census.gov/data/tables/2021/demo/hhp/hhp33.html |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref>
-In response, the federal [[CARES Act]] included an eviction moratorium for federally-backed rental properties; however, this expired on July 24, 2020,<ref>{{cite web |title=Foreclosure and Eviction Moratoriums Under the CARES Act |url=https://www.natlawreview.com/article/foreclosure-and-eviction-moratoriums-under-cares-act |access-date=2020-07-19 |website=natlawreview.com |publisher=[[The National Law Review]] |language=en |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210526111222/https://www.natlawreview.com/article/foreclosure-and-eviction-moratoriums-under-cares-act |archive-date=2021-05-26}}</ref> and no enforcement mechanism was provided.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Ernsthausen |first1=Jeff |last2=Simani |first2=Ellis |last3=Elliott |first3=Justin |title=Despite Federal Ban, Landlords Are Still Moving to Evict People During the Pandemic |url=https://www.propublica.org/article/despite-federal-ban-landlords-are-still-moving-to-evict-people-during-the-pandemic |publisher=[[ProPublica]] |access-date=2020-07-26 |website=ProPublica.org |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210805214150/https://www.propublica.org/article/despite-federal-ban-landlords-are-still-moving-to-evict-people-during-the-pandemic |archive-date=2021-08-05}}</ref> States and cities also passed a variety of temporary eviction moratoriums.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Shaw |first1=Al |last2=Simani |first2=Ellis |last3=Ernsthausen |first3=Jeff |date=May 18, 2020 |title=Can I Be Evicted During Coronavirus? |url=https://projects.propublica.org/covid-evictions/ |access-date=2020-07-19 |publisher=[[ProPublica]] |website=ProPublica.org |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210613024740/https://projects.propublica.org/covid-evictions/ |archive-date=2021-06-13}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |author=Eviction Lab |title=COVID-19 Housing Policy Scorecard |url=https://evictionlab.org/covid-policy-scorecard/ |access-date=2020-07-26 |publisher=[[Evictionlab.org]] |website=Eviction Lab |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210802125056/https://evictionlab.org/covid-policy-scorecard/ |archive-date=2021-08-02}}</ref><ref name="nolobans">{{Cite web|last1=O’Connell|first1=Ann|last2=Attorney|title=Emergency Bans on Evictions and Other Tenant Protections Related to Coronavirus|url=https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/emergency-bans-on-evictions-and-other-tenant-protections-related-to-coronavirus.html|access-date=2020-07-26|website=nolo.com|language=en}}</ref> As these moratoriums expired over the course of 2020, there were fears of a massive wave of evictions; by mid-June 2020, over 40% of states offered renters no protections.<ref>{{cite news |last=Lussenhop |first=Jessica |date=2020-08-07 |title=Why US is expecting an 'avalanche' of evictions |language=en-GB |work=[[BBC News]] |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-53088352 |access-date=2021-08-08 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210801171914/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-53088352 |archive-date=2021-08-01}}</ref>
+In response, the federal [[CARES Act]] included an eviction moratorium for federally-backed rental properties; however, this expired on July 24, 2020,<ref>{{cite web |title=Foreclosure and Eviction Moratoriums Under the CARES Act |url=https://www.natlawreview.com/article/foreclosure-and-eviction-moratoriums-under-cares-act |access-date=2020-07-19 |website=natlawreview.com |publisher=[[The National Law Review]] |language=en |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210526111222/https://www.natlawreview.com/article/foreclosure-and-eviction-moratoriums-under-cares-act |archive-date=2021-05-26}}</ref> and no enforcement mechanism was provided.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Ernsthausen |first1=Jeff |last2=Simani |first2=Ellis |last3=Elliott |first3=Justin |title=Despite Federal Ban, Landlords Are Still Moving to Evict People During the Pandemic |url=https://www.propublica.org/article/despite-federal-ban-landlords-are-still-moving-to-evict-people-during-the-pandemic |publisher=[[ProPublica]] |access-date=2020-07-26 |website=ProPublica.org |date=16 April 2020 |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210805214150/https://www.propublica.org/article/despite-federal-ban-landlords-are-still-moving-to-evict-people-during-the-pandemic |archive-date=2021-08-05}}</ref> States and cities also passed a variety of temporary eviction moratoriums.<ref>{{cite web |last1=Shaw |first1=Al |last2=Simani |first2=Ellis |last3=Ernsthausen |first3=Jeff |date=May 18, 2020 |title=Can I Be Evicted During Coronavirus? |url=https://projects.propublica.org/covid-evictions/ |access-date=2020-07-19 |publisher=[[ProPublica]] |website=ProPublica.org |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210613024740/https://projects.propublica.org/covid-evictions/ |archive-date=2021-06-13}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |author=Eviction Lab |title=COVID-19 Housing Policy Scorecard |url=https://evictionlab.org/covid-policy-scorecard/ |access-date=2020-07-26 |publisher=[[Evictionlab.org]] |website=Eviction Lab |language=en-US |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210802125056/https://evictionlab.org/covid-policy-scorecard/ |archive-date=2021-08-02}}</ref><ref name="nolobans">{{Cite web|last1=O’Connell|first1=Ann|last2=Attorney|title=Emergency Bans on Evictions and Other Tenant Protections Related to Coronavirus|url=https://www.nolo.com/legal-encyclopedia/emergency-bans-on-evictions-and-other-tenant-protections-related-to-coronavirus.html|access-date=2020-07-26|website=nolo.com|language=en}}</ref> As these moratoriums expired over the course of 2020, there were fears of a massive wave of evictions; by mid-June 2020, over 40% of states offered renters no protections.<ref>{{cite news |last=Lussenhop |first=Jessica |date=2020-08-07 |title=Why US is expecting an 'avalanche' of evictions |language=en-GB |work=[[BBC News]] |url=https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-53088352 |access-date=2021-08-08 |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210801171914/https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-53088352 |archive-date=2021-08-01}}</ref>
-Nevertheless, on September 4, 2020, [[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention|The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)]] issued an Agency Order known as Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19.<ref name=":0">{{cite web |date=2020-09-04 |title=Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19 |url=https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2020/09/04/2020-19654/temporary-halt-in-residential-evictions-to-prevent-the-further-spread-of-covid-19 |access-date=2020-11-10 |publisher=[[Federal Register]] |website=federalregister.gov |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210425054500/https://www.ncsc.org/information-and-resources/trending-topics/trending-topics-landing-pg/temporary-halt-in-residential-evictions-to-prevent-the-further-spread-of-covid-19 |archive-date=2021-04-05}}</ref> This agency order will be effective from September 4 to December 31 of 2020, during which time, “a landlord, owner of a residential property, or another person with a legal right to pursue eviction or possessory action, shall not evict any covered person from any residential property in any jurisdiction to  which the order applies.” <ref name=":0" />
+Nevertheless, on September 4, 2020, the [[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] (CDC) issued an Agency Order known as Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19.<ref name=":0">{{cite web |date=2020-09-04 |title=Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19 |url=https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2020/09/04/2020-19654/temporary-halt-in-residential-evictions-to-prevent-the-further-spread-of-covid-19 |access-date=2020-11-10 |publisher=[[Federal Register]] |website=federalregister.gov |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210425054500/https://www.ncsc.org/information-and-resources/trending-topics/trending-topics-landing-pg/temporary-halt-in-residential-evictions-to-prevent-the-further-spread-of-covid-19 |archive-date=2021-04-25}}</ref> This agency order will be effective from September 4 to December 31, 2020, during which time, "a landlord, owner of a residential property, or another person with a legal right to pursue eviction or possessory action, shall not evict any covered person from any residential property in any jurisdiction to which the order applies."<ref name=":0" />
-Under The Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19, a covered person is a tenant that has given their landlord the legal right to evict them, but has declared, under penalty of perjury, that: available housing assistance has been pursued; homeless status is likely after the eviction; the tenant is making their best efforts to pay at least part of the rent, there was a substantial household income loss that prevents the tenant from paying rent; and the tenant will not earn more than $99,000 USD in annual income for the taxable year of 2020, or will not be required to report incomes in 2019, or, under the [[CARES Act]] received an Economic Impact Payment.<ref>{{cite web |author=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |title=HHS CDC TEMPORARY HALT IN RESIDENTIAL EVICTIONS TO PREVENT THE FURTHER SPREAD OF COVID19 FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS |url=https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/eviction-moratoria-order-faqs.pdf |access-date=2020-11-10 |website=CDC.gov |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210623192910/https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/eviction-moratoria-order-faqs.pdf |archive-date=2021-06-23}}</ref> This eviction moratorium was allowed to expire on July 31, 2021.<ref>{{cite news |last=Shepardson |first=David |date=2021-08-01 |title=U.S. COVID-19 eviction ban expires, leaving renters at risk |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-covid-19-residential-eviction-ban-set-expire-midnight-2021-07-31/ |url-status=live |work=[[Reuters]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806051211/https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-covid-19-residential-eviction-ban-set-expire-midnight-2021-07-31/ |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |author=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |title=HHS CDC TEMPORARY HALT IN RESIDENTIAL EVICTIONS TO PREVENT THE FURTHER SPREAD OF COVID19 FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS |url=https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/eviction-moratoria-order-faqs.pdf |access-date=2021-08-08 |website=CDC.gov |url-status=live |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210803080451/https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/eviction-moratoria-order-faqs.pdf |archive-date=2021-08-03}}</ref>
+Under The Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions To Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19, a covered person is a tenant that has given their landlord the legal right to evict them, but has declared, under penalty of perjury, that: available housing assistance has been pursued; homeless status is likely after the eviction; the tenant is making their best efforts to pay at least part of the rent, there was a substantial household income loss that prevents the tenant from paying rent; and the tenant will not earn more than $99,000 USD in annual income for the taxable year of 2020, or will not be required to report incomes in 2019, or, under the CARES Act received an Economic Impact Payment.<ref>{{cite web |author=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |title=HHS CDC TEMPORARY HALT IN RESIDENTIAL EVICTIONS TO PREVENT THE FURTHER SPREAD OF COVID19 FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS |url=https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/eviction-moratoria-order-faqs.pdf |access-date=2020-11-10 |website=CDC.gov |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210623192910/https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/downloads/eviction-moratoria-order-faqs.pdf |archive-date=2021-06-23}}</ref> This eviction moratorium was allowed to expire on July 31, 2021.<ref>{{cite news |last=Shepardson |first=David |date=2021-08-01 |title=U.S. COVID-19 eviction ban expires, leaving renters at risk |url=https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-covid-19-residential-eviction-ban-set-expire-midnight-2021-07-31/ |url-status=live |work=[[Reuters]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806051211/https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-covid-19-residential-eviction-ban-set-expire-midnight-2021-07-31/ |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref>
-However, that does not mean that the individual obligations to comply with the agreements on the tenancy contract are relieved. The order does not eliminate individual obligations to make housing payments, pay the rent, or add interest, if applicable.<ref name=":1">{{Cite web|last=National Center for State Courts|date=2020-09-08|title=Temporary halt in residential evictions to prevent the further spread of COVID-19|url=https://www.ncsc.org/information-and-resources/trending-topics/trending-topics-landing-pg/temporary-halt-in-residential-evictions-to-prevent-the-further-spread-of-covid-19|access-date=2020-11-10}}</ref> Moreover, tenants can still be evicted for other reasons apart from not complying with the timely payment. For instance, evictions due to criminal activity, violation of building codes, and threats to other residents' safety are allowed under the order.<ref name=":1" />
+However, that does not mean that the individual obligations to comply with the agreements on the tenancy contract are relieved. The order does not eliminate individual obligations to make housing payments, pay the rent, or add interest, if applicable.<ref name=":1">{{Cite web|last=National Center for State Courts|date=2020-09-08|title=Temporary halt in residential evictions to prevent the further spread of COVID-19|url=https://www.ncsc.org/information-and-resources/trending-topics/trending-topics-landing-pg/temporary-halt-in-residential-evictions-to-prevent-the-further-spread-of-covid-19|access-date=2020-11-10|archive-date=2020-09-13|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200913113114/https://www.ncsc.org/information-and-resources/trending-topics/trending-topics-landing-pg/temporary-halt-in-residential-evictions-to-prevent-the-further-spread-of-covid-19|url-status=dead}}</ref> Moreover, tenants can still be evicted for other reasons apart from not complying with the timely payment. For instance, evictions due to criminal activity, violation of building codes, and threats to other residents' safety are allowed under the order.<ref name=":1" />
-In addition, the agency order will not apply in areas that already have an eviction moratorium. For example, the [[Governor of California]] stated that the Temporary Halt will not apply in the state because they have established a stronger protection.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2020-09-02|title=Gov. Newsom: CDC eviction ban does not apply in California|url=https://caanet.org/gov-newsom-cdc-eviction-ban-does-not-apply-in-california/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=California Apartment Association}}</ref>  Furthermore, the order allows states to enact other actions aimed to provide even further assistance to tenants, which implies that tenants not covered by the federal order, could be covered by some state protection.<ref name="nolobans" />
+In addition, the agency order will not apply in areas that already have an eviction moratorium. For example, the [[Governor of California]] stated that the Temporary Halt will not apply in the state because they have established a stronger protection.<ref>{{Cite web|date=2020-09-02|title=Gov. Newsom: CDC eviction ban does not apply in California|url=https://caanet.org/gov-newsom-cdc-eviction-ban-does-not-apply-in-california/|access-date=2020-11-10|website=California Apartment Association|archive-date=2020-11-11|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201111082832/https://caanet.org/gov-newsom-cdc-eviction-ban-does-not-apply-in-california/|url-status=live}}</ref>  Furthermore, the order allows states to enact other actions aimed to provide even further assistance to tenants, which implies that tenants not covered by the federal order, could be covered by some state protection.<ref name="nolobans" />
-In this way, there are states and cities that issued their own eviction moratoriums.<ref name="nolobans" /> For instance, the state of Massachusetts issued the "Bill providing temporary protections for renters and home owners during the COVID-19 emergency". However, the moratorium waived on October 17, 2020. Hence, the CDC order will take effect.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Mass. Ban on Pandemic Evictions, Foreclosures Ending|url=https://www.nbcboston.com/news/local/mass-ban-on-pandemic-evictions-foreclosures-ending/2213580/|access-date=2020-11-16|website=NBC Boston|language=en-US}}</ref>
+In this way, there are states and cities that issued their own eviction moratoriums.<ref name="nolobans" /> For instance, the state of Massachusetts issued the "Bill providing temporary protections for renters and home owners during the COVID-19 emergency". However, the moratorium waived on October 17, 2020. Hence, the CDC order will take effect.<ref>{{Cite web|title=Mass. Ban on Pandemic Evictions, Foreclosures Ending|url=https://www.nbcboston.com/news/local/mass-ban-on-pandemic-evictions-foreclosures-ending/2213580/|access-date=2020-11-16|website=NBC Boston|date=17 October 2020|language=en-US|archive-date=2020-11-03|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201103201125/https://www.nbcboston.com/news/local/mass-ban-on-pandemic-evictions-foreclosures-ending/2213580/|url-status=live}}</ref>
-On August 3, 2021, the CDC issued a new eviction moratorium in areas with substantial and high transmission of COVID-19.<ref>{{cite web |last= |first= |date=2021-08-03 |title=CDC Issues Eviction Moratorium Order in Areas of Substantial and High Transmission |url=https://www.cdc.gov/media/releases/2021/s0803-cdc-eviction-order.html |url-status=live |work=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806201604/https://www.cdc.gov/media/releases/2021/s0803-cdc-eviction-order.html |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last= |first= |date=2021-08-03 |title=Temporary Protection from Eviction |url=https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-eviction-declaration.html |url-status=live |work=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806190702/https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-eviction-declaration.html |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last= |first= |date=2021-08-03 |title=Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions in Communities with Substantial or High Levels of Community Transmission of COVID-19 to Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19 |url=https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/communication/Signed-CDC-Eviction-Order.pdf |url-status=live |work=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806201603/https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/communication/Signed-CDC-Eviction-Order.pdf |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref> On August 26, 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against the federal eviction moratorium put in place by U.S. President Joe Biden and ruled that the CDC had exceeded its authority by enforcing it.<ref>{{cite web |title=Supreme Court throws out Biden administration eviction moratorium |url=https://www.cnn.com/2021/08/26/politics/supreme-court-eviction-moratorium/index.html |website=CNN |publisher=CNN |access-date=28 August 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/27/us/eviction-moratorium-ends.html|title=Supreme Court Ends Biden's Eviction Moratorium|first1=Adam|last1=Liptak|first2=Glenn|last2=Thrush|work=New York Times|date=26 August 2021|access-date=28 August 2021}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://apnews.com/article/health-courts-pandemics-coronavirus-pandemic-daa34fb48a04dc9f3ddad94fb6b4cbb2|title=Supreme Court allows evictions to resume during pandemic|first=Mark|last=Sherman|publisher=Associated Press|date=27 August 2021|accessdate=28 August 2021}}</ref>
+On August 3, 2021, the CDC issued a new eviction moratorium in areas with substantial and high transmission of COVID-19.<ref>{{cite web |last= |first= |date=2021-08-03 |title=CDC Issues Eviction Moratorium Order in Areas of Substantial and High Transmission |url=https://www.cdc.gov/media/releases/2021/s0803-cdc-eviction-order.html |url-status=live |work=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806201604/https://www.cdc.gov/media/releases/2021/s0803-cdc-eviction-order.html |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last= |first= |date=2021-08-03 |title=Temporary Protection from Eviction |url=https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-eviction-declaration.html |url-status=live |work=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806190702/https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/covid-eviction-declaration.html |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref><ref>{{cite web |last= |first= |date=2021-08-03 |title=Temporary Halt in Residential Evictions in Communities with Substantial or High Levels of Community Transmission of COVID-19 to Prevent the Further Spread of COVID-19 |url=https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/communication/Signed-CDC-Eviction-Order.pdf |url-status=live |work=[[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] |location= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210806201603/https://www.cdc.gov/coronavirus/2019-ncov/communication/Signed-CDC-Eviction-Order.pdf |archive-date=2021-08-06 |access-date=2021-08-08}}</ref> On August 26, 2021, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled against the federal eviction moratorium put in place by U.S. President Joe Biden and ruled that the CDC had exceeded its authority by enforcing it.<ref>{{cite web |title=Supreme Court throws out Biden administration eviction moratorium |url=https://www.cnn.com/2021/08/26/politics/supreme-court-eviction-moratorium/index.html |website=CNN |date=27 August 2021 |access-date=28 August 2021 |archive-date=29 August 2021 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210829213225/https://www.cnn.com/2021/08/26/politics/supreme-court-eviction-moratorium/index.html |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/27/us/eviction-moratorium-ends.html|title=Supreme Court Ends Biden's Eviction Moratorium|first1=Adam|last1=Liptak|first2=Glenn|last2=Thrush|work=New York Times|date=26 August 2021|access-date=28 August 2021|archive-date=30 August 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210830131818/https://www.nytimes.com/2021/08/27/us/eviction-moratorium-ends.html|url-status=live}}</ref><ref>{{cite news|url=https://apnews.com/article/health-courts-pandemics-coronavirus-pandemic-daa34fb48a04dc9f3ddad94fb6b4cbb2|title=Supreme Court allows evictions to resume during pandemic|first=Mark|last=Sherman|publisher=Associated Press|date=27 August 2021|accessdate=28 August 2021|archive-date=30 August 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210830090708/https://apnews.com/article/health-courts-pandemics-coronavirus-pandemic-daa34fb48a04dc9f3ddad94fb6b4cbb2|url-status=live}}</ref>
-== Eviction Process ==
+== Eviction process ==
-=== Reasons for Eviction ===
+=== Reasons for eviction ===
-Landlords can evict tenants for failing to pay rent, violating lease agreements, or having an expired lease.<ref name=":10" /> Landlords can also expel tenants for breaking the law, damaging property, engaging in violence or causing a disturbance''.'' Other legitimate reasons for eviction include improper property use, such as illegal subletting or cannabis cultivation.<ref name=":44">Holl, Marieke, Linda Van Den Dries, and Judith RLM Wolf. "Interventions to prevent tenant evictions: a systematic review." Health & Social Care in the Community 24, no. 5 (2016): 532-546.</ref> However, most renters are evicted for non-payment of rent.<ref name=":44" /> In 2018, a DC eviction report found that 93% of eviction filings in DC were initiated for non-payment of rent.<ref>McCabe, Brian J., and Eva Rosen. "Eviction in Washington, DC: Racial and geographic disparities in housing instability." (2020).https://www.streetsensemedia.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/DC-Eviction-Report.pdf </ref>
+Landlords can evict tenants for failing to pay rent, violating lease agreements, or having an expired lease.<ref name=":10" /> Landlords can also expel tenants for breaking the law, damaging property, engaging in violence or causing a disturbance. Other legitimate reasons for eviction include improper property use, such as illegal subletting or cannabis cultivation.<ref name=":44">{{cite journal |last1=Holl |first1=Marieke |last2=van den Dries |first2=Linda |last3=Wolf |first3=Judith R. L. M. |title=Interventions to prevent tenant evictions: a systematic review |journal=Health & Social Care in the Community |date=September 2016 |volume=24 |issue=5 |pages=532–546 |doi=10.1111/hsc.12257 |pmid=26109137 |doi-access=free }}</ref> However, most renters are evicted for non-payment of rent.<ref name=":44" /> In 2018, a DC eviction report found that 93% of eviction filings in DC were initiated for non-payment of rent.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=McCabe |first1=Brian J. |first2=Eva |last2=Rosen |title=Eviction in Washington, DC: Racial and geographic disparities in housing instability |year=2020 |url=https://www.streetsensemedia.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/DC-Eviction-Report.pdf |access-date=2022-11-08 |archive-date=2022-08-17 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220817123636/https://www.streetsensemedia.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/DC-Eviction-Report.pdf |url-status=live }}</ref><ref>{{cite AV media |date=22 October 2020 |title=Eviction in Washington DC: Racial and Geographic Disparities in Housing Instability |url=https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cE8qnCN3O1g |publisher=Georgetown McCourt |access-date=14 November 2022 |archive-date=14 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221114190012/https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cE8qnCN3O1g |url-status=live }}</ref>
-Landlords may also file for evictions in situations where the tenant is not culpable, know as a "no-fault eviction." In most American municipalities, landlords have the legal right to expel tenants at their discretion, even if the tenant has not broken any lease agreements. For example, landlords can evict tenants if they want to sell or reoccupy their property.<ref>Rodriguez-Dod, Eloisa C. "But My Lease Isn't up Yet: Finding Fault with No-Fault Evictions." ''UALR L. Rev.'' 35 (2012): 839. https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/ualr35&div=38&id=&page=</ref> Additionally, landlords have no legal obligation to renew a tenant's lease and may choose not to for any reason.<ref name=":10" />
+Landlords may also file for evictions in situations where the tenant is not culpable, known as a "no-fault eviction". In most American municipalities, landlords have the legal right to expel tenants at their discretion, even if the tenant has not broken any lease agreements. For example, landlords can evict tenants if they want to sell or reoccupy their property.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Rodriguez-Dod |first1=Eloisa |title='But My Lease Isn't Up Yet!': Finding Fault with 'No- Fault' Evictions |journal=University of Arkansas at Little Rock Law Review |date=2013 |volume=35 |issue=4 |pages=839–870 |url=https://lawrepository.ualr.edu/lawreview/vol35/iss4/3/ |ssrn=2972266 |access-date=2022-11-14 |archive-date=2022-11-14 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221114183403/https://lawrepository.ualr.edu/lawreview/vol35/iss4/3/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Additionally, landlords have no legal obligation to renew a tenant's lease and may choose not to for any reason.<ref name=":10" />
-=== Legal Protections ===
+=== Legal protections ===
-While landlords may evict tenants for various reasons, there are legal protections that protect tenants and prohibit unfair evictions. Foremost, landlords may only carry out evictions that follow federal, state, and local statutes. For example, the Federal Fair Housing Act prohibits housing discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion, sex, familial status, or disability.<ref>“Housing Discrimination under the Fair Housing Act.” HUD.gov / U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). <nowiki>https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/fair_housing_equal_opp/fair_housing_act_overview</nowiki>. </ref> Thus, it is illegal for a landlord to evict a tenant based on any of these characteristics. Additionally, landlords can't evict tenants who have filed a fair housing complaint or discrimination lawsuit against them.<ref name=":10" /> Tenants also have the right to report housing code violations without the risk of retaliatory evictions. This protection extends to lease renewals—in [[Edwards v. Habib]], the court established that landlords cannot refuse to renew a tenant's lease for reporting a code violation.<ref>Rabin, Edward H. "Revolution in residential landlord-tenant law: causes and consequences." Cornell L. Rev. 69 (1983): 517</ref> In some states, landlords are prohibited from issuing an eviction following any form of tenant-initiated report.<ref name=":10" />
+While landlords may evict tenants for various reasons, there are legal protections that protect tenants and prohibit unfair evictions. Foremost, landlords may only carry out evictions that follow federal, state, and local statutes. For example, the [[Fair Housing Act|Federal Fair Housing Act]] prohibits housing discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, religion, sex, familial status, or disability.<ref>“Housing Discrimination under the Fair Housing Act.” HUD.gov / U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/fair_housing_equal_opp/fair_housing_act_overview {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190508150451/https://www.hud.gov/program_offices/fair_housing_equal_opp/fair_housing_act_overview |date=2019-05-08 }} .</ref> Thus, it is illegal for a landlord to evict a tenant based on any of these characteristics. Additionally, landlords cannot evict tenants who have filed a fair housing complaint or discrimination lawsuit against them.<ref name=":10" /> Tenants also have the right to report housing code violations without the risk of retaliatory evictions. This protection extends to lease renewals—in ''[[Edwards v. Habib]]'', the court established that landlords cannot refuse to renew a tenant's lease for reporting a code violation.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Rabin |first1=Edward |title=Revolution in Residential Landlord-Tenant Law: Causes and Consequences |journal=Cornell Law Review |date=1 March 1984 |volume=69 |issue=3 |pages=517–584 |url=https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol69/iss3/2/ |access-date=14 November 2022 |archive-date=14 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221114150035/https://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/clr/vol69/iss3/2/ |url-status=live }}</ref> In some states, landlords are prohibited from issuing an eviction following any form of a tenant-initiated report.<ref name=":10" />
-Certain demographic groups are granted further protections to protect against unjust evictions. For example, federal housing assistance recipients cannot be evicted through "no-fault" evictions.<ref name=":12">Preston, Gregory, and Vincent J. Reina. "Sheltered from eviction? A framework for understanding the relationship between subsidized housing programs and eviction." Housing Policy Debate 31, no. 3-5 (2021): 785-817 https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10511482.2021.1879202</ref> Tenants using federal housing expenditures—such as [[LIHTC]], [[Section 8 (housing)|Section 8]] vouchers, or [[Subsidized housing in the United States|public housing]] can still be evicted—but these evictions must be initiated for lease violations or rent non-payment.<ref name=":12" />
+Certain demographic groups are granted further protections to protect against unjust evictions. For example, federal housing assistance recipients cannot be evicted through "no-fault" evictions.<ref name=":62">{{cite journal |last1=Preston |first1=Gregory |last2=Reina |first2=Vincent J. |title=Sheltered From Eviction? A Framework for Understanding the Relationship Between Subsidized Housing Programs and Eviction |journal=Housing Policy Debate |date=3 September 2021 |volume=31 |issue=3–5 |pages=785–817 |doi=10.1080/10511482.2021.1879202 |s2cid=234352840 |doi-access=free }}</ref> Tenants using federal housing expenditures—such as [[LIHTC]], [[Section 8 (housing)|Section 8]] vouchers, or [[Subsidized housing in the United States|public housing]] can still be evicted—but these evictions must be initiated for lease violations or rent non-payment.<ref name=":62"/>
-Prior to an eviction, landlords must issue an eviction notice, often referred to as a Notice to Quit.<ref name=":10" /> In this notice, landlords must provide sufficient information detailing the reason for eviction and options available for the tenant.<ref name=":13">Lindsey, Lauren A. "Protecting the good-faith tenant: Enforcing retaliatory eviction laws by broadening the residential tenant's options in summary eviction courts." ''Okla. L. Rev.'' 63 (2010): 101.</ref> Landlords are prohibited from threatening, harming, harassing, or intimidating evictees, even if they are non-compliant.<ref name=":13" /> If an evicted tenant refuses to leave the property, landlords cannot create a hostile environment that would force a tenant to leave the property, a process known as "constructive eviction."<ref>“Constructive Eviction.” Legal Information Institute. Legal Information Institute <nowiki>https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/constructive_eviction</nowiki>.</ref> For example, landlords may not change a tenant's locks, cut off water or heat, or shut off other essential utilities.<ref>Frey, David J. "Landlord-Tenant Law Reform in Cincinnati." ''U. Cin. L. Rev.'' 43 (1974): 175.</ref>
+Prior to an eviction, landlords must issue an eviction notice, often referred to as a Notice to Quit.<ref name=":10" /> In this notice, landlords must provide sufficient information detailing the reason for eviction and options available for the tenant.<ref name=":13">{{cite journal |last1=Lindsey |first1=Lauren |title=Protecting the Good-Faith Tenant: Enforcing Retaliatory Eviction Laws by Broadening the Residential Tenant's Options in Summary Eviction Courts |journal=Oklahoma Law Review |date=1 January 2010 |volume=63 |issue=1 |pages=101 |url=https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/olr/vol63/iss1/4/ |access-date=14 November 2022 |archive-date=14 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221114145844/https://digitalcommons.law.ou.edu/olr/vol63/iss1/4/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Landlords are prohibited from [[threat]]ening, harming, [[Harassment|harassing]], or [[Intimidation|intimidating]] evictees, even if they are non-compliant.<ref name=":13" /> If an evicted tenant refuses to leave the property, landlords cannot create a hostile environment that would force a tenant to leave the property, a process known as "constructive eviction".<ref>“Constructive Eviction.” Legal Information Institute. Legal Information Institute https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/constructive_eviction {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220705212823/https://www.law.cornell.edu/wex/constructive_eviction |date=2022-07-05 }} .</ref> For example, landlords may not change a tenant's locks, cut off water or heat, or shut off other essential utilities.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Frey |first1=David J. |title=Landlord-Tenant Law Reform in Cincinnati |journal=University of Cincinnati Law Review |volume=43  |year=1974 |pages=175 }}</ref>
-=== Eviction Law ===
+=== Eviction law ===
-A fair eviction process is regulated through federal law, state law, local law, common law, and court procedures.<ref name=":10" /> There are limited federal laws dedicated specifically to domestic eviction regulation. However, there are federal protections in place that protect tenants against unlawful housing practices. For example, the federal [[Fair Housing Act]] prohibits discrimination in housing based on race, color, national origin, religion, sex, disability, or familial status.<ref>Massey, Douglas S. "The legacy of the 1968 fair housing act." In ''Sociological Forum'', vol. 30, pp. 571-588. 2015.</ref> Additionally, the federal government passed the CARE Act during the Covid-19 pandemic, which included a temporary eviction moratorium for eligible renters. While eviction laws vary by region, most state and local legislation mirrors the [[Uniform Residential Landlord and Tenant Act]] (URLTA) or the Model Residential Landlord-Tenant Code.<ref name=":10" /> Eviction procedures are also regulated by common law'''—'''law based on legal precedents, rather than formal statutes.<ref name=":10" /> In other words, when no written law applies to an eviction case, past court decisions are used to guide judge rulings. In some cases, lease terms can override common law.<ref name=":10" /> Additionally, court procedures'''—'''which vary by municipality'''—'''can influence an eviction case.<ref name=":10" /> For instance, the organization of a court's docket system can impact the amount of time it takes a landlord to carry out an eviction.<ref name=":10" />
+A fair eviction process is regulated through federal law, state law, local law, common law, and court procedures.<ref name=":10" /> There are limited federal laws dedicated specifically to domestic eviction regulation. However, there are federal protections in place that protect tenants against unlawful housing practices. For example, the federal [[Fair Housing Act]] prohibits discrimination in housing based on race, color, national origin, religion, sex, disability, or familial status.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Massey |first1=Douglas S. |title=The Legacy of the 1968 Fair Housing Act |journal=Sociological Forum |date=June 2015 |volume=30 |issue=Suppl 1 |pages=571–588 |doi=10.1111/socf.12178 |pmc=4808815 |jstor=43654407 |pmid=27034538 }}</ref> While eviction laws vary by region, most state and local legislation mirrors the [[Uniform Residential Landlord and Tenant Act]] (URLTA) or the Model Residential Landlord-Tenant Code.<ref name=":10" /> Eviction procedures are also regulated by [[common law]]—law based on legal precedents, rather than formal statutes.<ref name=":10" /> In other words, when no written law applies to an eviction case, past court decisions are used to guide judge rulings. In some cases, lease terms can override common law.<ref name=":10" /> Additionally, court procedures—which vary by municipality—can influence an eviction case.<ref name=":10" /> For instance, the organization of a court's docket systems can impact the amount of time it takes a landlord to carry out an eviction.<ref name=":10" /> During Covid-19, the federal government passed the CARE Act, which included a temporary eviction moratorium for eligible renters.
 == Causes ==
-[[File:Number in Poverty and Poverty Rate 1959 to 2011. United States..PNG|thumb|left|400px|Number in Poverty and Poverty Rate: 1959 to 2015. United States.]]
+[[File:Number in Poverty and Poverty Rate 1959 to 2011. United States..PNG|thumb|400px|Number in Poverty and Poverty Rate: 1959 to 2015. United States.]]
-Each year, millions of renters and homeowners are evicted across the United States.<ref>Hartman, Chester, and David Robinson. "Evictions: The hidden housing problem." ''Housing Policy Debate'' 14, no. 4 (2003): 461-501.</ref> Rising housing costs and affordable housing shortages have catalyzed a nation-wide [[Housing insecurity in the United States|housing insecurity]] crisis, driving up eviction rates. Over the past few decades, housing prices have outpaced the median household income, making it increasingly difficult for renters and homeowners to secure affordable housing.<ref name=":16">Charette, Allison, Chris Herbert, Andrew Jakabovics, Ellen Tracy Marya, and Daniel T. McCue. "Projecting trends in severely cost-burdened renters: 2015–2025." ''Harvard University’s Joint Center for Housing Studies and Enterprise Community Partners Inc'' (2015). http://www.wikisolver.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/Rent-Crisis-2015.pdf</ref> The Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University found that 26.5% of US renters were severely cost burdened in 2013, almost twice the rate as in 1960.<ref name=":16" /> Further, most renting families under the [[Poverty threshold|poverty line]] spend more than 50% of their income on rent, with one in four such families spending over 70% of their income on rent and utilities.<ref name="Lab_why">{{cite web |author=<!--Not stated--> |date=2018-04-16 |title=Why Eviction Matters |url=https://evictionlab.org/why-eviction-matters/ |access-date=2018-04-16 |website=Eviction Lab |publisher=Princeton University}}</ref> For low-income renters, rising rents and housing affordability issues are exacerbated by a shortage of low-cost housing units.<ref name=":17">“Out of Reach.” National Low Income Housing Coalition.https://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/oor/2021/Out-of-Reach_2021.pdf</ref> In 2019, the US had a shortage of 7 million affordable housing units for renters at or below the poverty line, according to data from the National Low Income Housing Coalition.<ref name=":17" /> In 2015, only one in four eligible low-income renters received housing assistance, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.<ref>Keene, Danya E., Linda Niccolai, Alana Rosenberg, Penelope Schlesinger, and Kim M. Blankenship. "Rental assistance and adult self-rated health." ''Journal of health care for the poor and underserved'' 31, no. 1 (2020): 325. https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC8969280/</ref> In a climate of housing insecurity, cost-burdened renters face an increased risk of eviction.
+Each year, millions of renters and homeowners are evicted across the United States.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Hartman |first1=Chester |last2=Robinson |first2=David |title=Evictions: The hidden housing problem |journal=Housing Policy Debate |date=1 January 2003 |volume=14 |issue=4 |pages=461–501 |doi=10.1080/10511482.2003.9521483 |s2cid=153979584 }}</ref> Rising housing costs and affordable housing shortages have catalyzed a nationwide [[Housing insecurity in the United States|housing insecurity]] crisis, driving up eviction rates. Over the past few decades, housing prices have outpaced the median household income, making it increasingly difficult for renters and homeowners to secure affordable housing.<ref name=":16">Charette, Allison, Chris Herbert, Andrew Jakabovics, Ellen Tracy Marya, and Daniel T. McCue. "Projecting trends in severely cost-burdened renters: 2015–2025." ''Harvard University’s Joint Center for Housing Studies and Enterprise Community Partners Inc'' (2015). http://www.wikisolver.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/Rent-Crisis-2015.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221109192808/http://www.wikisolver.com/wp-content/uploads/2015/09/Rent-Crisis-2015.pdf |date=2022-11-09 }}</ref> The Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University found that 26.5% of US renters were severely cost-burdened in 2013, almost twice the rate as in 1960.<ref name=":16" /> Further, most renting families under the [[Poverty threshold|poverty line]] spend more than 50% of their income on rent, with one in four such families spending over 70% of their income on rent and utilities.<ref name="Lab_why">{{cite web |author=<!--Not stated--> |date=2018-04-16 |title=Why Eviction Matters |url=https://evictionlab.org/why-eviction-matters/ |access-date=2018-04-16 |website=Eviction Lab |publisher=Princeton University |archive-date=2024-06-30 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240630000421/https://evictionlab.org/why-eviction-matters/ |url-status=live }}</ref> For low-income renters, rising rents and housing affordability issues are exacerbated by a shortage of low-cost housing units.<ref name=":17">“Out of Reach.” National Low Income Housing Coalition.https://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/oor/2021/Out-of-Reach_2021.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221109213105/https://nlihc.org/sites/default/files/oor/2021/Out-of-Reach_2021.pdf |date=2022-11-09 }}</ref> In 2019, the US had a shortage of 7 million affordable housing units for renters at or below the poverty line, according to data from the National Low Income Housing Coalition.<ref name=":17" /> In 2015, only one in four eligible low-income renters received housing assistance, according to the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Keene |first1=Danya E. |last2=Niccolai |first2=Linda |last3=Rosenberg |first3=Alana |last4=Schlesinger |first4=Penelope |last5=Blankenship |first5=Kim M. |title=Rental Assistance and Adult Self-Rated Health |journal=Journal of Health Care for the Poor and Underserved |date=2020 |volume=31 |issue=1 |pages=325–339 |doi=10.1353/hpu.2020.0025 |pmid=32037334 |pmc=8969280 }}</ref> In a climate of housing insecurity, cost-burdened renters face an increased risk of eviction.
-In addition to individual risk factors, neighborhood composition is highly correlated with eviction patterns.<ref name=":12" /> The risk of eviction is significantly higher in neighborhoods with high degrees of racial or economic segregation.<ref name=":12" /> Using data from Princeton University's Eviction Lab, a 2020 study found that eviction filings were significantly higher in black-majority neighborhoods than white-majority neighborhoods.<ref>Merritt, Breanca, and Morgan D. Farnworth. "State landlord–tenant policy and eviction rates in majority-minority neighborhoods." ''Housing Policy Debate'' 31, no. 3-5 (2021): 562-581.https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10511482.2020.1828989?journalCode=rhpd20</ref> Additionally, an analysis of eviction rates in Southern California found that a neighborhood's racial or economic composition was  was a greater predictor of eviction filings than housing market changes.<ref name=":18">Lens, Michael C., Kyle Nelson, Ashley Gromis, and Yiwen Kuai. "The neighborhood context of eviction in Southern California." City & Community 19, no. 4 (2020): 912-932.https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1111/cico.12487 </ref> In other words, neighborhoods with a greater concentration of low-income or black tenants had higher eviction rates than neighborhoods with rising rent.<ref name=":18" /> Similar patterns can be seen with inter-neighborhood dynamics—research indicates that low-income neighborhoods in Seattle not only faced higher eviction rates, but neighborhoods bordering low-income areas also faced higher eviction rates.<ref name=":12" /> Disadvantaged neighborhoods with high eviction rates face with constant instability, which further disincentivizes community investment and involvement.<ref name=":3">{{Cite journal |last1=Deena |first1=Greenberg |last2=Gershenson |first2=Carl |last3=Desmond |first3=Matthew |date=2016 |title=Discrimination in Eviction: Empirical Evidence and Legal Challenges |url=https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/mdesmond/files/hlc106_crop.pdf |journal=Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review |volume=51 |pages=115–158}}</ref>
+In addition to individual risk factors, neighborhood composition is highly correlated with eviction patterns.<ref name=":62"/> The risk of eviction is significantly higher in neighborhoods with high degrees of racial or economic segregation.<ref name=":62"/> Using data from Princeton University's Eviction Lab, a 2020 study found that eviction filings were significantly higher in black-majority neighborhoods than in white majority neighborhoods.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Merritt |first1=Breanca |last2=Farnworth |first2=Morgan D. |title=State Landlord–Tenant Policy and Eviction Rates in Majority-Minority Neighborhoods |journal=Housing Policy Debate |date=3 September 2021 |volume=31 |issue=3–5 |pages=562–581 |doi=10.1080/10511482.2020.1828989 |s2cid=228865645 }}</ref> Additionally, an analysis of eviction rates in Southern California found that a neighborhood's racial or economic composition was a greater predictor of eviction filings than housing market changes.<ref name=":18">{{cite journal |last1=Lens |first1=Michael C. |last2=Nelson |first2=Kyle |last3=Gromis |first3=Ashley |last4=Kuai |first4=Yiwen |title=The Neighborhood Context of Eviction in Southern California |journal=City & Community |date=December 2020 |volume=19 |issue=4 |pages=912–932 |doi=10.1111/cico.12487 |s2cid=214200041 |url=https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6pd0313p |access-date=2023-04-09 |archive-date=2024-02-01 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240201222218/https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6pd0313p |url-status=live }}</ref> In other words, neighborhoods with a greater concentration of low-income or black tenants had higher eviction rates than neighborhoods with rising rent.<ref name=":18" /> Similar patterns can be seen with inter-neighborhood dynamics—research indicates that low-income neighborhoods in Seattle not only faced higher eviction rates, but neighborhoods bordering low-income areas also faced higher eviction rates.<ref name=":62"/> Disadvantaged neighborhoods with high eviction rates face constant instability, which further disincentivizes community investment and involvement.<ref name=":3">{{Cite journal |last1=Deena |first1=Greenberg |last2=Gershenson |first2=Carl |last3=Desmond |first3=Matthew |date=2016 |title=Discrimination in Eviction: Empirical Evidence and Legal Challenges |url=https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/mdesmond/files/hlc106_crop.pdf |journal=Harvard Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review |volume=51 |pages=115–158 |access-date=2021-03-30 |archive-date=2024-06-30 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20240630000420/https://scholar.harvard.edu/files/mdesmond/files/hlc106_crop.pdf |url-status=live }}</ref>
 When housing pressures are extreme, even middle-class and working-class renters are evicted by landlords eager to capitalize on the rising market rates, such as in [[San Francisco]] during the various tech booms. In such circumstances, landlords may seize upon minor violations that were previously tolerated, such as keeping a small pet or storing a bicycle in the hallway, to evict renters. The situation in California is aggravated by the [[Ellis Act]], which allows landlords to evict tenants and immediately sell vacant apartments as condominiums.<ref name="CNN_20141029">{{cite news
 | last         = Christie
-| first        = Les
+| first         = Les
 | date         = 2014-10-29
-| title        = Rents are soaring -- and so are evictions
+| title         = Rents are soaring -- and so are evictions
-| url          = https://money.cnn.com/2014/10/29/real_estate/evicted/index.html
+| url         = https://money.cnn.com/2014/10/29/real_estate/evicted/index.html
 | work         = CNN Money
-| access-date  = 2018-04-16
+| access-date         = 2018-04-16
+| archive-date         = 2017-08-23
+| archive-url         = https://web.archive.org/web/20170823044341/http://money.cnn.com/2014/10/29/real_estate/evicted/index.html
+| url-status         = live
 }}</ref>
@@ Line 95: / Line 98: @@
 === Low-income renters ===
-Low-income renters and homeowners face higher eviction rates and are also disproportionately impacted by the consequences of eviction.<ref name=":9" /> Foremost, low-income renters often lack the financial means to navigate the eviction process. For example, an Alabama Law study found that only 16.4% of Illinois households received any form of legal representation for their legal problems, with housing being the second most common legal issue for low-income households.<ref name=":9" /> A lack of financial resources can be a barrier to accessing legal representation, which puts low-income renters at a disadvantage in court. This disparity is especially prevalent in eviction cases, since eviction law is complex and difficult to interpret. In a study referenced in Pepperdine Law Review, researchers found that unrepresented low-income tenants in [[New York City]] fared significantly worse in court than represented low-income tenants—unrepresented tenants were more likely to default in court and more likely to receive a warrant of eviction.<ref>Poppe, Emily S. Taylor, and Jeffrey J. Rachlinski. "Do lawyers matter? The effect of legal representation in civil disputes." https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/plr/vol43/iss4/1/</ref> Without legal support, defendants may not be able to build or articulate a sound defense that holds up in a court. One study of [[Philadelphia]]'s housing court found that tenants who had legal representation were almost 20 times more likely to prevail in court than those without legal representation.<ref>Eldridge, David L. "The construction of a courtroom: the judicial system and autopoiesis." ''The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science'' 38, no. 3 (2002): 298-316.https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0021886302038003003</ref> Additionally, eviction-related court hearings in [[Chicago]] are almost two minutes shorter when the landlord has a legal defense and the tenant does not.<ref name=":9" />
+Low-income renters and homeowners face higher eviction rates and are also disproportionately impacted by the consequences of eviction.<ref name=":9" /> Foremost, low-income renters often lack the financial means to navigate the eviction process. For example, an Alabama Law study found that only 16.4% of Illinois households received any form of legal representation for their legal problems, with housing being the second most common legal issue for low-income households.<ref name=":9" /> A lack of financial resources can be a barrier to accessing legal representation, which puts low-income renters at a disadvantage in court. This disparity is especially prevalent in eviction cases, since eviction law is complex and difficult to interpret. In a study referenced in Pepperdine Law Review, researchers found that unrepresented low-income tenants in [[New York City]] fared significantly worse in court than represented low-income tenants—unrepresented tenants were more likely to default in court and more likely to receive a warrant of eviction.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Taylor Poppe |first1=Emily |last2=Rachlinski |first2=Jeffrey |title=Do Lawyers Matter? The Effect of Legal Representation in Civil Disputes |journal=Pepperdine Law Review |date=13 June 2016 |volume=43 |issue=4 |pages=881–944 |url=https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/plr/vol43/iss4/1/ |access-date=9 November 2022 |archive-date=9 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221109205549/https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/plr/vol43/iss4/1/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Without legal support, defendants may not be able to build or articulate a sound defense that holds up in a court. One study of [[Philadelphia]]'s housing court found that tenants who had legal representation were almost 20 times more likely to prevail in court than those without legal representation.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Eldridge |first1=David L. |title=The Construction of a Courtroom: The Judicial System and Autopoiesis |journal=The Journal of Applied Behavioral Science |date=September 2002 |volume=38 |issue=3 |pages=298–316 |doi=10.1177/0021886302038003003 |s2cid=141504997 }}</ref> Additionally, eviction-related court hearings in [[Chicago]] are almost two minutes shorter when the landlord has a legal defense and the tenant does not.<ref name=":9" />
-Unexpected financial costs'''—'''such as job loss, drop in income, or medical bills—can jeopardize housing stability and potentially lead to eviction.<ref>Desmond, Matthew, and Carl Gershenson. "Who gets evicted? Assessing individual, neighborhood, and network factors." ''Social science research'' 62 (2017): 362-377.
+Unexpected financial costs—such as job loss, drop in income, or medical bills—can jeopardize housing stability and potentially lead to eviction.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Desmond |first1=Matthew |last2=Gershenson |first2=Carl |title=Who gets evicted? Assessing individual, neighborhood, and network factors |journal=Social Science Research |date=February 2017 |volume=62 |pages=362–377 |doi=10.1016/j.ssresearch.2016.08.017 |pmid=28126112 }}</ref> This is especially true for poor tenants, who may not have the financial safety net to absorb unexpected costs. In addition, low-income individuals are more likely to lack [[financial literacy]] skills, which is associated with an increased likelihood of eviction.<ref name=":44" /> Similarly, low-income renters who fail to seek out or use housing-related subsidies are at increased risk of future eviction.<ref name=":44" />
-Harvard</ref> This is especially true for poor tenants, who may not have the financial safety net to absorb unexpected costs. In addition, low-income individuals are more likely to lack [[financial literacy]] skills, which is associated with an increased likelihood of eviction.<ref name=":44" /> Similarly, low-income renters who fail to seek out or use housing-related subsidies are at increased risk of future eviction.<ref name=":44" />
 === Black and Hispanic renters ===
-Black tenants face significantly higher filing and eviction rates than their white counterparts.<ref name=":14" /> Looking at neighborhood racial composition in Milwaukee, sociologist Matthew Desmond found that majority-black neighborhoods had an average annual eviction rate of 7.4%, compared to 1.4% in majority-white neighborhoods.<ref name=":4" /> In this study, Desmond also emphasizes the dual disadvantage black women face in housing'''—'''black women face the highest eviction rates of any demographic group.<ref name=":4" /> In an interview with The Atlantic, Desmond reported that approximately one in five black women will experience eviction, compared to one in fifteen white women.<ref name="Atlantic_20160401">{{cite news |last=White |first=Gillian B. |date=2016-04-01 |title=America's Insidious Eviction Problem |work=The Atlantic |url=https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/03/eviction-matthew-desmond-housing/471375/ |access-date=2018-04-16}}</ref> Eviction rates are also linked to the racial concentration of neighborhoods. The RVA Eviction Lab, in Richmond, Virginia, estimates that as the proportion of a neighborhood's black population increases by 10%, eviction rates would increase by 1.2%.<ref>Teresa, Benjamin F. "The geography of eviction in Richmond: beyond poverty." RVA Eviction Lab. Retrieved from https://evictioninnovation.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Richmond-GeographiesofEviction.pdf </ref>
+Black tenants face significantly higher filing and eviction rates than their white counterparts.<ref name=":14" /> Looking at neighborhood racial composition in Milwaukee, sociologist Matthew Desmond found that majority-black neighborhoods had an average annual eviction rate of 7.4%, compared to 1.4% in majority-white neighborhoods.<ref name=":4" /> In this study, Desmond also emphasizes the dual disadvantage black women face in housing—black women face the highest eviction rates of any demographic group.<ref name=":4" /> In an interview with ''The Atlantic'', Desmond reported that approximately one in five black women will experience eviction, compared to one in fifteen white women.<ref name="Atlantic_20160401">{{cite news |last=White |first=Gillian B. |date=2016-04-01 |title=America's Insidious Eviction Problem |work=The Atlantic |url=https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/03/eviction-matthew-desmond-housing/471375/ |access-date=2018-04-16 |archive-date=2018-10-12 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20181012145501/https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2016/03/eviction-matthew-desmond-housing/471375/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Eviction rates are also linked to the racial concentration of neighborhoods. The RVA Eviction Lab, in Richmond, Virginia, estimates that as the proportion of a neighborhood's black population increases by 10%, eviction rates would increase by 1.2%.<ref>Teresa, Benjamin F. "The geography of eviction in Richmond: beyond poverty." RVA Eviction Lab. Retrieved from https://evictioninnovation.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Richmond-GeographiesofEviction.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221024085022/https://evictioninnovation.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/04/Richmond-GeographiesofEviction.pdf |date=2022-10-24 }}</ref>
-Hispanic renters also face higher filing and eviction rates than their white counterparts. In a study published in the ''[[Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review]]'', researchers investigated the relationship between Hispanic origin and eviction in Milwaukee. These researchers saw a strong correlation between Hispanic tenants' risk of eviction and neighborhood racial composition. In Milwaukee neighborhoods that were two-thirds white, approximately 80% of landlords were white. In these same neighborhoods, the average eviction rate was 25%, yet the eviction rate for Hispanics was upwards of 35%. The study also found that Hispanic renters significantly more likely to be evicted by white landlords than non-white landlords. According to Greenberg et al, these findings suggest that discrimination contributes to racial disparities in Milwaukee eviction rates.<ref name=":3" />
+Hispanic renters also face higher filing and eviction rates than their white counterparts. In a study published in the ''[[Harvard Civil Rights–Civil Liberties Law Review]]'', researchers investigated the relationship between Hispanic origin and eviction in Milwaukee. These researchers saw a strong correlation between Hispanic tenants' risk of eviction and neighborhood racial composition.<ref name=":3" /> In Milwaukee neighborhoods that were two-thirds white, approximately 80% of landlords were white. In these same neighborhoods, the average eviction rate was 25%, yet the eviction rate for Hispanics was upwards of 35%.<ref name=":3" /> The study also found that Hispanic renters were significantly more likely to be evicted by white landlords than non-white landlords.<ref name=":3" /> According to Greenberg et al, these findings suggest that discrimination contributes to racial disparities in Milwaukee eviction rates.<ref name=":3" />
 === Women ===
-Women, especially minority women, are disproportionately impacted by  Between 2003 and 2007, women made up 60.6% of the evicted population in Milwaukee and 62% of people who appeared in eviction court. This is likely because women are more likely to be impoverished in America, and therefore have less access to legal resources. <ref name=":3" /> When homeless men and women were asked why they were homeless, women cited eviction nearly twice as often as much as men did, according to a study in the ''Journal of Social Distress and the Homelessness.'' <ref>{{cite journal |last1=Tessler |first1=R. |last2=Rosenheck |first2=R. |last3=Gamache |first3=G. |title=Gender Differences in Self-Reported Reasons for Homelessness |journal=[[Journal of Social Distress and the Homeless]] |volume=10 |pages=243–254 |year=2001 |issue=3 |doi=10.1023/A:1016688707698 |s2cid=141199166 |url=https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1016688707698}}</ref> Black and Hispanic women face the highest eviction rates and are the most represented demographic in eviction hearings.<ref name=":11" /> For example, in Baltimore, 79% of tenants in eviction cases were black women, yet black women only make up 34% of Baltimore's population.<ref name=":9" />
+Women, especially minority women, are disproportionately impacted by eviction. Between 2003 and 2007, women made up 60.6% of the evicted population in Milwaukee and 62% of people who appeared in eviction court. This is likely because women are more likely to be impoverished in America, and therefore have less access to legal resources.<ref name=":3" /> When homeless men and women were asked why they were homeless, women cited eviction nearly twice as often as much as men did, according to a study in the ''Journal of Social Distress and the Homelessness''.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Tessler |first1=Richard |last2=Rosenheck |first2=Robert |last3=Gamache |first3=Gail |title=Gender Differences in Self-Reported Reasons for Homelessness |journal=Journal of Social Distress and the Homeless |date=January 2001 |volume=10 |issue=3 |pages=243–254 |doi=10.1023/A:1016688707698 |s2cid=141199166 }}</ref> Black and Hispanic women face the highest eviction rates and are the most represented demographic in eviction hearings.<ref name=":11" /> For example, in Baltimore, 79% of tenants in eviction cases were black women, yet black women only make up 34% of Baltimore's population.<ref name=":9" />
-According to Desmond, women face higher eviction rates than men because they have more difficulty paying rent. Across the United States, the wage gap disadvantages women, with women earning less on average than their male counterparts.<ref>Misra, Joya, and Marta Murray‐Close. "The gender wage gap in the United States and cross nationally." ''Sociology Compass'' 8, no. 11 (2014): 1281-1295.</ref> Additionally, women spend more money than men on child and domestic expenses, further driving income inequality and inhibiting women from paying rent.<ref name=":4" />
+According to Desmond, women face higher eviction rates than men because they have more difficulty paying rent. Across the United States, the wage gap disadvantages women, with women earning less on average than their male counterparts.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Misra |first1=Joya |last2=Murray-Close |first2=Marta |title=The Gender Wage Gap in the United States and Cross Nationally: The Gender Wage Gap in the United States and Cross Nationally |journal=Sociology Compass |date=November 2014 |volume=8 |issue=11 |pages=1281–1295 |doi=10.1111/soc4.12213 }}</ref> Additionally, women spend more money than men on child and domestic expenses, further driving income inequality and inhibiting women from paying rent.<ref name=":4" />
 === Families with children ===
-Renters with children are at increased risk of eviction.<ref name=":12" /> According to Matthew Desmond, renters with children have an eviction rate three times higher than the average.<ref name="Atlantic_20160401" /> This is because landlords believe that children have the potential to be problematic. In addition, neighborhoods with more children will also have higher rates of evictions.<ref name=":12" /> Greenberg et al found that having a child is more strongly correlated with neighborhood eviction patterns than race, gender, or class.<ref name=":3" />
+Renters with children are at increased risk of eviction.<ref name=":62"/> According to Matthew Desmond, renters with children have an eviction rate three times higher than the average.<ref name="Atlantic_20160401" /> This is because landlords believe that children have the potential to be problematic. In addition, neighborhoods with more children will also have higher rates of evictions.<ref name=":62"/> Greenberg et al found that having a child is more strongly correlated with neighborhood eviction patterns than race, gender, or class.<ref name=":3" />
-By the age of 15, approximately 15% of children will have experienced eviction. This has a negative impact on the behavioral development, education, and health of children.<ref name="Jula">{{cite journal |last1=Jula |first1=Megan |year=2020 |title=Eviction's long reach |journal=Knowable Magazine |doi=10.1146/knowable-092320-1 |s2cid=224855644}}</ref> A study following low-income urban mothers revealed that evicted mothers are "more likely to suffer from depression, report worse health for themselves and their children, and report more parenting stress."<ref name=":19">Desmond, Matthew, and Rachel Tolbert Kimbro. “Eviction’s Fallout: Housing, Hardship, and Health.” ''Social Forces'' 94, no. 1 (2015): 295–324. <nowiki>http://www.jstor.org/stable/24754254</nowiki>.</ref> After two years, mothers who experienced evictions still reported significantly higher levels of mental distress.<ref name=":19" /> Pregnancy during eviction is also related to negative health outcomes for women and their offspring. Pregnant women who experienced evictions have significantly lower infant birth weights and infant prematurity rates compared to non-pregnant women.<ref>Himmelstein, Gracie, and Matthew Desmond. "Association of eviction with adverse birth outcomes among women in Georgia, 2000 to 2016." ''JAMA pediatrics'' 175, no. 5 (2021): 494-500.</ref>
+By the age of 15, approximately 15% of children will have experienced eviction. This has a negative impact on the behavioral development, education, and health of children.<ref name="Jula">{{cite journal |last1=Jula |first1=Megan |year=2020 |title=Eviction's long reach |journal=Knowable Magazine |doi=10.1146/knowable-092320-1 |s2cid=224855644|doi-access=free }}</ref> A study following low-income urban mothers revealed that evicted mothers are "more likely to suffer from depression, report worse health for themselves and their children, and report more parenting stress."<ref name=":19">{{cite journal |last1=Desmond |first1=Matthew |last2=Kimbro |first2=Rachel Tolbert |title=Eviction's Fallout: Housing, Hardship, and Health |journal=Social Forces |date=2015 |volume=94 |issue=1 |pages=295–324 |doi=10.1093/sf/sov044 |jstor=24754254 }}</ref> After two years, mothers who experienced evictions still reported significantly higher levels of mental distress.<ref name=":19" /> Pregnancy during eviction is also related to negative health outcomes for women and their offspring. Pregnant women who experienced evictions have significantly lower infant birth weights and infant prematurity rates compared to non-pregnant women.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Himmelstein |first1=Gracie |last2=Desmond |first2=Matthew |title=Association of Eviction With Adverse Birth Outcomes Among Women in Georgia, 2000 to 2016 |journal=JAMA Pediatrics |date=1 May 2021 |volume=175 |issue=5 |pages=494–500 |doi=10.1001/jamapediatrics.2020.6550 |pmid=33646291 |pmc=7922232 |s2cid=232078369 }}</ref>
 == Consequences ==
-=== Housing Insecurity and Poverty ===
+=== Housing insecurity and poverty ===
-Eviction is associated with many negative socioeconomic outcomes, including an increased risk of housing instability, job loss, homelessness, and poor health.<ref name=":3" /> Having a record of eviction makes it extremely difficult to secure decent housing.<ref name=":3" /> A legal eviction will nearly always go on an evictee's permanent record, barring them from future housing opportunities.<ref>McCabe, Brian J., and Eva Rosen. "Eviction in Washington, DC: Racial and geographic disparities in housing instability." (2020).</ref> When an eviction is filed in the court system, this record becomes available to landlords. Landlords can look up the records of prospective renters through a tenant screening report.<ref name=":9" /> Through this screening, landlords can find information about prospective tenants' criminal backgrounds, credit scores, and eviction history. If an individual has any history of an eviction, this will show up on their record(—even if the case was dismissed and the tenant was found not guilty.<ref name=":9" /> Most landlords will not accept tenants with any form of an eviction record.<ref name=":9" />Tenants with a record of eviction can also be denied subsidized housing. This exclusion further exacerbates housing instability for minority groups who are most reliant on subsidized housing—in 2019, 42% of HUD program assisted renters were Black, 19% were Hispanic, and 36% had children, according to the US Department of Housing and Urban Development. <ref name=":12" />
+Experiencing eviction is associated with many negative socioeconomic outcomes, including an increased risk of housing instability, [[Unemployment|job loss]], [[Homelessness in the United States|homelessness]], and poor health.<ref name=":3" /> Having a record of eviction makes it extremely difficult to secure decent housing.<ref name=":3" /> A legal eviction will nearly always go on an evictee's permanent record, barring them from future housing opportunities.<ref>McCabe, Brian J., and Eva Rosen. "Eviction in Washington, DC: Racial and geographic disparities in housing instability." (2020).</ref> When an eviction is filed in the court system, this record becomes available to landlords. Landlords can look up the records of prospective renters through a tenant screening report.<ref name=":9" /> Through this screening, landlords can find information about prospective tenants' criminal backgrounds, [[credit score]]s, and eviction history. If an individual has any history of eviction, this will show up on their [[Criminal record|record]]—even if the case was dismissed and the tenant was found not guilty.<ref name=":9" /> Most landlords will not accept tenants with any form of an eviction record.<ref name=":9" /> Tenants with a record of eviction can also be denied [[Subsidized housing in the United States|subsidized housing]]. This exclusion further exacerbates housing instability for minority groups who are most reliant on subsidized housing—in 2019, 42% of HUD program-assisted renters were Black, 19% were Hispanic, and 36% had children, according to the [[United States Department of Housing and Urban Development|US Department of Housing and Urban Development.]]<ref name=":62"/>
+According to sociologist Matthew Desmond, eviction is a [[Causes of poverty|cause of poverty]], as well as a result of it.<ref name=":11" /> Evicted individuals are often forced to accept lower quality housing and move to neighborhoods with higher crime and poverty rates.<ref name=":62"/> Experiencing an eviction also increases the risk of job loss and job instability, which exacerbates housing instability.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Fowler |first1=Katherine A. |last2=Gladden |first2=R. Matthew |last3=Vagi |first3=Kevin J. |last4=Barnes |first4=Jamar |last5=Frazier |first5=Leroy |title=Increase in Suicides Associated With Home Eviction and Foreclosure During the US Housing Crisis: Findings From 16 National Violent Death Reporting System States, 2005–2010 |journal=American Journal of Public Health |date=February 2015 |volume=105 |issue=2 |pages=311–316 |doi=10.2105/AJPH.2014.301945 |pmid=25033148 |pmc=4318323 }}</ref> Evicted individuals are uprooted from their communities, forcing them to sever ties with family, schools, [[religious organization]]s, and other social support systems. Following an eviction, tenants may also lose personal property—personal possessions are routinely thrown away, left on the sidewalk, or placed in storage that can only be accessed by paying a fee.<ref name=":20">{{cite journal |last1=Weiser |first1=Larry |last2=Treu |first2=Matthew |title=Adding Injury to Injury: Inadequate Protection of Tenants' Property During Eviction and the Need for Reform |journal=Loyola Consumer Law Review |date=1 January 2008 |volume=20 |issue=3 |pages=247 |url=https://lawecommons.luc.edu/lclr/vol20/iss3/2/ |access-date=10 November 2022 |archive-date=10 November 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221110040531/https://lawecommons.luc.edu/lclr/vol20/iss3/2/ |url-status=live }}</ref> Protecting or recovering personal possessions can be particularly difficult for poor, [[elderly]], and [[Disability|disabled]] individuals, who may be unable to access or afford storage.<ref name=":20" />
+Following an eviction, evictees may spend months, or even years, searching for decent housing.<ref name=":9" /> In some cases, securing housing becomes impossible and eviction leads to homelessness—In Eric Lindblom's book, ''Homelessness in America'', Lindblom found that one in two homeless adults reports eviction or rent affordability as the cause of their homelessness.<ref>Lindblom, Eric N. "Preventing homelessness." ''Homelessness in America'' (1996): 187-200.</ref> In 2010, a New York City report estimated that 47% of homeless families in New York City [[homeless shelter]]s had experienced eviction.<ref name=":9" />[[File: Protesters in front of the International Hotel.jpg|thumb|Protesters linking arms to prevent San Francisco Sheriffs' deputies from evicting elderly tenants. August 4, 1977.]]
-According to sociologist Matthew Desmond, eviction is a [[Causes of poverty|cause of poverty]], as well as a result of it.<ref name=":11" /> Evicted individuals are often forced to accept lower quality housing and move to neighborhoods with higher crime and poverty rates.<ref name=":62">Preston, Gregory, and Vincent J. Reina. "Sheltered from eviction? A framework for understanding the relationship between subsidized housing programs and eviction." Housing Policy Debate 31, no. 3-5 (2021): 785-817</ref> Experiencing an eviction also increases the risk of job loss and job instability, which exacerbates housing instability.<ref>Fowler, Katherine A., R. Matthew Gladden, Kevin J. Vagi, Jamar Barnes, and Leroy Frazier. "Increase in suicides associated with home eviction and foreclosure during the US housing crisis: findings from 16 national violent death reporting system states, 2005–2010." ''American journal of public health'' 105, no. 2 (2015): 311-316.</ref> Evicted individuals are uprooted from their communities, forcing them to severe ties with family, schools, religious organizations, and other social support systems. Following an eviction, tenants may also lose personal property—personal possessions are routinely thrown away, left on the sidewalk, or placed in storage that can only be accessed by paying a fee.<ref name=":20">Weiser, Larry, and Matthew W. Treu. "Adding injury to injury: inadequate protection of tenants' property during eviction and the need for reform." ''Loy. Consumer L. Rev.'' 20 (2007): 247.https://lawecommons.luc.edu/lclr/vol20/iss3/2/</ref> Protecting or recovering personal possessions can be particularly difficult for poor, elderly, and disabled individuals, who may be unable to access or afford storage.<ref name=":20" />
-Following an eviction, evictees may spend months, or even years, searching for decent housing.<ref name=":9" /> In some cases, securing housing becomes impossible and eviction leads to homelessness—In Eric Lindblom's book, ''Homelessness in America'', Lindblom found that one in two homeless adults reports eviction or rent affordability as the cause of their homelessness.<ref>Lindblom, Eric N. "Preventing homelessness." ''Homelessness in America'' (1996): 187-200.</ref> In 2010, a New York City report estimated that 47% of homeless families in New York City homeless shelters had experienced eviction.<ref name=":9" />[[File: Protesters in front of the International Hotel.jpg|thumb|Protesters linking arms to prevent San Francisco Sheriffs' deputies from evicting elderly tenants. August 4, 1977]]
 === Mental health ===
-Various studies have emphasizes that evictees are more likely to experience negative mental health outcomes, including [[anxiety]], [[Depression (mood)|depression]], [[Mental distress|psychological distress]], and [[suicide]].<ref>Vásquez-Vera, Hugo, Laia Palència, Ingrid Magna, Carlos Mena, Jaime Neira, and Carme Borrell. "The threat of home eviction and its effects on health through the equity lens: a systematic review." ''Social science & medicine'' 175 (2017): 199-208. https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277953617300102</ref> Research has found that the stress of even ''receiving'' an eviction notice is so substantial that it can be a predictor of a tenant's future housing insecurity, even if the tenant is not evicted.<ref name=":12" /> The eviction process is also tied to long-term psychological issues for tenants and their children.<ref name=":9" /> In a longitudinal study on eviction, Matthew Desmond found that evicted adults were more likely to report poor mental health both one year and eight years following their eviction.<ref>Melton-Fant, Courtnee, Austin Harrison, and Katy Ramsey Mason. "Race, mental health, and evictions filings in Memphis, TN, USA." ''Preventive Medicine Reports'' 26 (2022): 101736.</ref> Individuals who experience eviction are have disproportionately higher rates of anxiety and depression. In a sample of evicted adults, the Michigan Recession and Recovery Study found that 13.9% of those evicted in the past 12 months suffered from major or minor depression, and that 33.8% had experienced an [[Panic attack|anxiety attack]] in the last 4 weeks.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Burgard|first1=Sarah A.|last2=Seefeldt|first2=Kristin S.|last3=Zelner|first3=Sarah|date=2012-12-01|title=Housing instability and health: Findings from the Michigan recession and recovery study|url=https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277953612006272|journal=Social Science & Medicine|series=Part Special Issue: Place, migration & health|language=en|volume=75|issue=12|pages=2215–2224|doi=10.1016/j.socscimed.2012.08.020|pmid=22981839|issn=0277-9536}}</ref> Additionally, across the 27 states that participate in the National Violent Death Reporting system in 2015, 3.8% of those who committed suicide with known circumstances had recently experienced eviction.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Stone|first=Deborah M.|date=2018|title=Vital Signs: Trends in State Suicide Rates — United States, 1999–2016 and Circumstances Contributing to Suicide — 27 States, 2015|journal=MMWR. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report|language=en-us|volume=67|issue=22|pages=617–624|doi=10.15585/mmwr.mm6722a1|pmid=29879094|pmc=5991813|issn=0149-2195|doi-access=free}}</ref>
+Various studies have emphasizes that evictees are more likely to experience negative mental health outcomes, including [[anxiety]], [[Depression (mood)|depression]], [[Mental distress|psychological distress]], and [[suicide]].<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Vásquez-Vera |first1=Hugo |last2=Palència |first2=Laia |last3=Magna |first3=Ingrid |last4=Mena |first4=Carlos |last5=Neira |first5=Jaime |last6=Borrell |first6=Carme |title=The threat of home eviction and its effects on health through the equity lens: A systematic review |journal=Social Science & Medicine |date=1 February 2017 |volume=175 |pages=199–208 |doi=10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.01.010 |pmid=28107704 }}</ref> Research has found that the stress of even ''receiving'' an eviction notice is so substantial that it can be a predictor of a tenant's future housing insecurity, even if the tenant is not evicted.<ref name=":62"/> The eviction process is also tied to long-term psychological issues for tenants and their children.<ref name=":9" /> In a longitudinal study on eviction, Matthew Desmond found that evicted adults were more likely to report poor [[mental health]] both one year and eight years following their eviction.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Melton-Fant |first1=Courtnee |last2=Harrison |first2=Austin |last3=Mason |first3=Katy Ramsey |title=Race, mental health, and evictions filings in Memphis, TN, USA |journal=Preventive Medicine Reports |date=April 2022 |volume=26 |pages=101736 |doi=10.1016/j.pmedr.2022.101736 |pmid=35242502 |pmc=8866154 }}</ref> Individuals who experience eviction have disproportionately higher rates of anxiety and depression. In a sample of evicted adults, the Michigan Recession and Recovery Study found that 13.9% of those evicted in the past 12 months suffered from major or minor depression and that 33.8% had experienced an [[Panic attack|anxiety attack]] in the last 4 weeks.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Burgard |first1=Sarah A. |last2=Seefeldt |first2=Kristin S. |last3=Zelner |first3=Sarah |title=Housing instability and health: Findings from the Michigan recession and recovery study |journal=Social Science & Medicine |date=December 2012 |volume=75 |issue=12 |pages=2215–2224 |doi=10.1016/j.socscimed.2012.08.020 |pmid=22981839 }}</ref> Additionally, across the 27 states that participate in the National Violent Death Reporting System in 2015, 3.8% of those who committed suicide with known circumstances had recently experienced eviction.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Stone |first1=Deborah M. |last2=Simon |first2=Thomas R. |last3=Fowler |first3=Katherine A. |last4=Kegler |first4=Scott R. |last5=Yuan |first5=Keming |last6=Holland |first6=Kristin M. |last7=Ivey-Stephenson |first7=Asha Z. |last8=Crosby |first8=Alex E. |title=Vital Signs: Trends in State Suicide Rates — United States, 1999–2016 and Circumstances Contributing to Suicide — 27 States, 2015 |journal=MMWR. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report |date=8 June 2018 |volume=67 |issue=22 |pages=617–624 |doi=10.15585/mmwr.mm6722a1 |pmid=29879094 |pmc=5991813 |doi-access=free }}</ref>
-=== Physical Health ===
+=== Physical health ===
-One physical health impact that eviction has on tenants evicted is an increased spread and contraction of COVID-19. This is because of actions tenants take after being evicted. When evicted, residents must find other places to live, such as a homeless shelter or a friend's house. According to the CDC, "adding as few as two new members to a household can as much as double the risk of illness." Additionally, when people are living in the same household, it is much harder to adhere to social distancing protocols. The mental health consequences of eviction also weaken the immune system, increasing transmission.<ref name=":2">{{Cite journal |last1=Benfer |first1=Emily A. |last2=Vlahov |first2=David |last3=Long |first3=Marissa Y. |last4=Walker-Wells |first4=Evan |last5=Pottenger |first5=J. L. |last6=Gonsalves |first6=Gregg |last7=Keene |first7=Danya E. |date=2021-02-01 |title=Eviction, Health Inequity, and the Spread of COVID-19: Housing Policy as a Primary Pandemic Mitigation Strategy |url= |journal=Journal of Urban Health |language=en |volume=98 |issue=1 |pages=1–12 |doi=10.1007/s11524-020-00502-1 |issn=1468-2869 |pmc=7790520 |pmid=33415697}}</ref>
+One physical health impact that eviction has on tenants evicted is an increased spread and contraction of COVID-19. This is because of actions tenants take after being evicted. When evicted, residents must find other places to live, such as a homeless shelter or a friend's house. According to the CDC, "adding as few as two new members to a household can as much as double the risk of illness." Additionally, when people are living in the same household, it is much harder to adhere to [[social distancing]] protocols. The mental health consequences of eviction also weaken the [[immune system]], increasing transmission.<ref name=":2">{{cite journal |last1=Benfer |first1=Emily A. |last2=Vlahov |first2=David |last3=Long |first3=Marissa Y. |last4=Walker-Wells |first4=Evan |last5=Pottenger |first5=J. L. |last6=Gonsalves |first6=Gregg |last7=Keene |first7=Danya E. |title=Eviction, Health Inequity, and the Spread of COVID-19: Housing Policy as a Primary Pandemic Mitigation Strategy |journal=Journal of Urban Health |date=February 2021 |volume=98 |issue=1 |pages=1–12 |doi=10.1007/s11524-020-00502-1 |pmid=33415697 |pmc=7790520 }}</ref>
-In addition, eviction predisposes tenants to hazardous housing conditions, which can lead to negative health outcomes.<ref>Baker, Emma, Laurence H. Lester, Rebecca Bentley, and Andrew Beer. "Poor housing quality: Prevalence and health effects." ''Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community'' 44, no. 4 (2016): 219-232.https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10852352.2016.1197714</ref> Following an eviction, low-income renters often cannot secure decent housing, forcing them to settle for poorly maintained or unsafe units. Renters in substandard housing units may face increased exposure to dust, mold, allergens, pests, and other hazards.<ref name=":9" /> Additionally, evictees are often forced into improvised neighborhoods, which typically have higher levels of air and water pollution.<ref>Banzhaf, Spencer, Lala Ma, and Christopher Timmins. "Environmental justice: The economics of race, place, and pollution." ''Journal of Economic Perspectives'' 33, no. 1 (2019): 185-208. https://www.aeaweb.org/articles?id=10.1257/jep.33.1.185</ref> As a result, renters face increased risk of [[Respiratory disease|respiratory illness]], [[cardiovascular disease]], and other health issues.<ref name=":9" /> Substandard housing is also more likely to contain lead-contaminated walls and water, which can be particularly dangerous for children. Exposure to [[Lead poisoning|lead]], even in small doses, can have serious health consequences for children, including developmental delays, decreased intelligence, and serious neurological and brain damage.<ref name=":9" />
+In addition, eviction predisposes tenants to hazardous housing conditions, which can lead to negative health outcomes.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Baker |first1=Emma |last2=Lester |first2=Laurence H. |last3=Bentley |first3=Rebecca |last4=Beer |first4=Andrew |title=Poor housing quality: Prevalence and health effects |journal=Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community |date=October 2016 |volume=44 |issue=4 |pages=219–232 |doi=10.1080/10852352.2016.1197714 |pmid=27712557 |s2cid=23212452 }}</ref> Following an eviction, low-income renters often cannot secure decent housing, forcing them to settle for poorly maintained or unsafe units. Renters in substandard housing units may face increased exposure to dust, mold, allergens, pests, and other hazards.<ref name=":9" /> Additionally, evictees are often forced into improvised neighborhoods, which typically have higher levels of air and water pollution.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Banzhaf |first1=Spencer |last2=Ma |first2=Lala |last3=Timmins |first3=Christopher |title=Environmental Justice: The Economics of Race, Place, and Pollution |journal=Journal of Economic Perspectives |date=1 February 2019 |volume=33 |issue=1 |pages=185–208 |doi=10.1257/jep.33.1.185 |pmid=30707005 |s2cid=73414940 |doi-access=free }}</ref> As a result, renters face an increased risk of [[Respiratory disease|respiratory illness]], [[cardiovascular disease]], and other health issues.<ref name=":9" /> Substandard housing is also more likely to contain lead-contaminated walls and water, which can be particularly dangerous for children. Exposure to [[Lead poisoning|lead]], even in small doses, can have serious health consequences for children, including developmental delays, decreased intelligence, and serious neurological and brain damage.<ref name=":9" />
-Eviction rates also creates a higher risk for one to contract [[Sexually transmitted infection|sexually transmitted infections]]. There is a variety of factors that increase this risk for those evicted. Often times those evicted don't have access to STI protection to condoms. Additionally, those evicted could participate in sexual activity for resources. Mental health also plays a role in the increased transmission of STIs, as sexual activity has been seen to be used as a coping mechanism for the associated stress with eviction. Eviction also has an impact on monogamous relationships, which can lead to increased partners and an increased risk for STIs.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Niccolai|first1=Linda M.|last2=Blankenship|first2=Kim M.|last3=Keene|first3=Danya E.|date= January 2019 |title=Eviction From Renter-occupied Households and Rates of Sexually Transmitted Infections: A County-level Ecological Analysis|journal=Sexually Transmitted Diseases|language=en-US|volume=46|issue=1|pages=63–68|doi=10.1097/OLQ.0000000000000904|pmid=30148755|pmc=6289707|issn=1537-4521|doi-access=free}}</ref>
+Eviction rates also create a higher risk for one to contract [[sexually transmitted infection]]s. There is a variety of factors that increase this risk for those evicted. Often those evicted do not have access to STI protection to condoms. Additionally, those evicted could participate in sexual activity for resources. Mental health also plays a role in the increased transmission of STIs, as sexual activity has been seen to be used as a coping mechanism for the associated stress with eviction. Eviction also has an impact on monogamous relationships, which can lead to increased partners and an increased risk for STIs.<ref>{{cite journal |last1=Niccolai |first1=Linda M. |last2=Blankenship |first2=Kim M. |last3=Keene |first3=Danya E. |title=Eviction From Renter-occupied Households and Rates of Sexually Transmitted Infections: A County-level Ecological Analysis |journal=Sexually Transmitted Diseases |date=January 2019 |volume=46 |issue=1 |pages=63–68 |doi=10.1097/OLQ.0000000000000904 |pmid=30148755 |pmc=6289707 |doi-access=free }}</ref>
 == Rates and locations ==
-There is no government reporting system on eviction, so variance by location and time were, at best, little understood and, at worst, invisible. This began to change with the implementation of [[Princeton University]]'s Eviction Lab which published the results of an analysis of 900,000 eviction notices that occurred in 2016.<ref name="NYT_20180416">{{cite news |last1=Badger |first1=Emily |last2=Bui |first2=Quoctrung |date=2018-04-07 |title=In 83 Million Eviction Records,a Sweeping and Intimate New Look at Housing in America |work=The New York Times |url=https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/04/07/upshot/millions-of-eviction-records-a-sweeping-new-look-at-housing-in-america.html |access-date=2018-04-16}}</ref>
+There is no government reporting system on eviction, so variance by location and time were, at best, little understood and, at worst, invisible. This began to change with the implementation of [[Princeton University]]'s Eviction Lab which published the results of an analysis of 900,000 eviction notices that occurred in 2016.<ref name="NYT_20180416">{{cite news |last1=Badger |first1=Emily |last2=Bui |first2=Quoctrung |title=In 83 Million Eviction Records, a Sweeping and Intimate New Look at Housing in America |url=https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/04/07/upshot/millions-of-eviction-records-a-sweeping-new-look-at-housing-in-america.html |work=The New York Times |date=7 April 2018 |access-date=16 April 2018 |archive-date=7 April 2018 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180407154305/https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2018/04/07/upshot/millions-of-eviction-records-a-sweeping-new-look-at-housing-in-america.html |url-status=live }}</ref>
-[[File:Foreclosure Activist Eviction Minneapolis 2009 (3911772202).jpg|thumb|Steel screen installed over windows as an evicted tenant's property is removed. ''[[Minneapolis]], MN'']]
+[[File:Foreclosure Activist Eviction Minneapolis 2009 (3911772202).jpg|thumb|Steel screen installed over windows as an evicted tenant's property is removed. [[Minneapolis]], Minnesota.]]
-[[File:3138 Clinton Avenue Sealed (3911772134).jpg|thumb|right|A house in Minneapolis is boarded up in 2009 after the tenant was evicted]]
+[[File:3138 Clinton Avenue Sealed (3911772134).jpg|thumb|right|A house in Minneapolis is boarded up in 2009 after the tenant was evicted.]]
 [[File:Evicting Striking Worker Families from Homes.jpg|right|thumb|Striking workers in Pittsburgh being evicted, 1909]]
 {| class="wikitable"
-|+ Large U.S. cities with highest eviction rates, 2016<ref name=":8">{{cite web |url=https://evictionlab.org/rankings/#/evictions?r=United%20States&a=0&d=evictionRate&lang=en |title=Top Evicting Large Cities in United States, Ranked by Eviction Rate |author=<!--Not stated--> |date=2018-04-16 |website=Eviction Lab |publisher=Princeton University |access-date=2018-04-16 }}</ref>
+|+ Large U.S. cities with highest eviction rates, 2016<ref name=":8">{{cite web |url=https://evictionlab.org/rankings/#/evictions?r=United%20States&a=0&d=evictionRate&lang=en |title=Top Evicting Large Cities in United States, Ranked by Eviction Rate |author=<!--Not stated--> |date=2018-04-16 |website=Eviction Lab |publisher=Princeton University |access-date=2018-04-16 |archive-date=2018-04-17 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180417023754/https://evictionlab.org/rankings/#/evictions?r=United%20States&a=0&d=evictionRate&lang=en |url-status=live }}</ref>
 |-
 ! Rank !! City !! Eviction Rate

v t e Housing in the United States by state or territory
States	Alabama Alaska Arizona Arkansas California Colorado Connecticut Delaware Florida Georgia Hawaii Idaho Illinois Indiana Iowa Kansas Kentucky Louisiana Maine Maryland Massachusetts Michigan Minnesota Mississippi Missouri Montana Nebraska Nevada New Hampshire New Jersey New Mexico New York North Carolina North Dakota Ohio Oklahoma Oregon Pennsylvania Rhode Island South Carolina South Dakota Tennessee Texas Utah Vermont Virginia Washington West Virginia Wisconsin Wyoming
Non-states	American Samoa Guam Northern Mariana Islands Puerto Rico U.S. Virgin Islands Washington, D.C.
Related topics	Architecture Economy Eviction Home ownership Homelessness California San Francisco Bay Area Colorado Florida Housing discrimination Housing insecurity California San Francisco Silicon Valley Mortgage industry Organizations Policy Homestead Acts Right to housing Slum clearance Subsidized housing Racism Segregation Squatting Zoning Missing middle housing NIMBY Parking mandates Single-family zoning YIMBY