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{{Short description|Period of German history from 1945 to 1990}}
{{Redirect|History of Germany since 1945|events after reunification|History of Germany (1990–present)
▲{{Redirect|History of Germany since 1945|events after reunification|History of Germany (1990–present)}}{{Tone|date=March 2023}}
{{Use dmy dates|date=April 2021}}
{{Infobox bilateral relations|Inter–German|West Germany|East Germany|filetype=svg|map=Inter–German Locator.svg}}
The '''history of Germany from 1945 to 1990'''
Following the [[collapse of the Third Reich]] in 1945 and [[Defeat of Nazi Germany|its defeat in World War II]], Germany was stripped of its territorial gains. Beyond that, [[Former eastern territories of Germany|more than a quarter of its old pre-war territory]] was annexed by [[History of Poland (1945–1989)|communist Poland]] and the [[Soviet Union]]. The German populations of these areas [[Flight and expulsion of Germans (1944–1950)|were expelled]] to the west. Saarland was a [[French Fourth Republic|French]] [[Saar Protectorate|protectorate]] from 1947 to 1956 without the recognition of the "[[Allied Control Council|Four Powers]]", because the Soviet Union opposed it, making it a [[disputed territory]].
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With the beginning of the [[Cold War]], the remaining territory of Germany was divided between the [[Western Bloc]] led by the United States, and the [[Eastern Bloc]] led by the USSR. Two separate German countries emerged:
* the [[Federal Republic of Germany]], established on 23 May 1949, commonly known as West Germany, was a [[parliamentary democracy]] with an [[
* the [[German Democratic Republic]], established on 7 October 1949, commonly known as East Germany, was a [[Marxism–Leninism|Marxist–Leninist]] socialist republic with its leadership dominated by the Soviet-aligned [[Socialist Unity Party of Germany]] (SED).<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.historyandpolicy.org/policy-papers/papers/germany-1945-1949-a-case-study-in-post-conflict-reconstruction|title=Germany 1945–1949: a case study in post-conflict reconstruction|last=Knowles|first=Chris|date=29 January 2014|website=History & Policy|access-date=19 July 2016}}</ref>
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Germany's second largest center of mining and industry, Upper [[Silesia]], had been handed over by the Allies to Poland at the [[Potsdam Conference]] and the German population was being forcibly expelled.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.ena.lu?lang=2&doc=6584|title= French proposal regarding the detachment of German industrial regions|date=8 September 1945|publisher=Centre Virtuel de la Connaissance sur l’Europe|access-date=28 May 2014}}</ref> The [[International Authority for the Ruhr]] (IAR) was created as part of the agreement negotiated at the [[London Six-Power Conference|London Six-Power conference]] in June 1948 to establish the [[West Germany|Federal Republic of Germany]].<ref>{{cite journal|first=Amos |last=Yoder|title=The Ruhr Authority and the German Problem|journal= The Review of Politics| volume= 17|number= 3 |date=July 1955|pages= 345–358|publisher=Cambridge University Press|doi=10.1017/s0034670500014261|s2cid=145465919 }}</ref> French support to internationalize the Ruhr through the IAR was abandoned in 1951 with the West German agreement to pool its coal and steel markets within [[European Coal and Steel Community]].
In the speech [[Restatement of Policy on Germany]], held in Stuttgart on 6 September 1946, the United States [[Secretary of State]] [[James F. Byrnes]] stated the U.S. motive in detaching the Saar from Germany as "The United States does not feel that it can deny to France, which has been invaded three times by Germany in 70 years, its claim to the Saar territory". The Saar came under French administration in
In August 1954 the French parliament voted down the treaty that would have established the [[European Defense Community]], a treaty they themselves had proposed. Germany was eventually allowed to rearm under the auspices of the [[Western European Union]], and later [[NATO]].
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The Soviet Union engaged in a massive industrial dismantling campaign in its occupation zone, much more intensive than that carried out by the Western powers. While the Soviet powers soon realized that their actions alienated the German workforce from the Communist cause, they decided that the desperate economic situation within the Soviet Union took priority over alliance building. The allied leaders had agreed on paper to economic and political cooperation but the issue of reparations dealt an early blow to the prospect of a united Germany in 1945. The figure of $20 Billion had been floated by Stalin as an adequate recompense but as the United States refused to consider this a basis for negotiation The Soviet Union was left only with the opportunity of extracting its own reparations, at a heavy cost to the East Germans. This was the beginning of the formal split of Germany.{{Citation needed|date=June 2007}}
===Marshall
{{Main|Marshall Plan|Deutsche Mark}}
With the Western Allies eventually becoming concerned about the deteriorating economic situation in their "[[Trizone]]", the American [[Marshall Plan]] of economic aid was extended to Western Germany in 1948 and a currency reform, which had been prohibited under the previous occupation directive JCS 1067, introduced the [[Deutsche Mark]] and halted rampant inflation. Though the Marshall Plan is regarded as playing a key psychological role in the West German recovery, other factors were also significant.<ref>{{cite web
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}}</ref>
The Soviets had not agreed to the [[currency]] reform; in March 1948 they withdrew from the four-power governing bodies, and in June 1948 they initiated the [[Berlin
===Reparations to the U.S.===
{{Further|German reparations for World War II}}
The Allies confiscated [[intellectual property]] of great value, all German patents, both in Germany and abroad, and used them to strengthen their own industrial competitiveness by licensing them to Allied companies.<ref>{{cite
===Nutritional levels===
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The initial demand for housing, the growing demand for machine tools, chemicals, and automobiles and a rapidly increasing agricultural production were the initial triggers to this 'Wirtschaftswunder' (economic miracle) as it was known, although there was nothing miraculous about it. The era became closely linked with the name of [[Ludwig Erhard]], who led the Ministry of Economics during the decade. Unemployment at the start of the decade stood at 10.3%, but by 1960 it had dropped to 1.2%, practically speaking full employment. In fact, there was a growing demand for labor in many industries as the workforce grew by 3% per annum, the reserves of labor were virtually used up.<ref name="Informationen"/>{{rp|36}}
The millions of displaced persons and the refugees from the eastern provinces had all been integrated into the workforce. At the end of the decade, thousands of younger East Germans were packing their bags and migrating westwards, posing an ever-growing problem for the GDR nomenclature. With the construction of the [[Berlin
[[File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-45653-0001, Rom, Verträge über Zollpakt und Eurotom unterzeichnet.jpg|thumb|Konrad Adenauer and [[Walter Hallstein]] signing the [[Treaty of Rome]] in 1957]]
In October 1961 an initial agreement was signed with the Turkish government and the first Gastarbeiter began to arrive. By 1966, some 1,300,000 foreign workers had been recruited mainly from Italy, Turkey, Spain, and Greece. By 1971, the number had reached 2.6 million workers. The initial plan was that single workers would come to Germany, would work for a limited number of years and then return home. The significant differences between wages in their home countries and in Germany led many workers to bring their families and to settle—at least until retirement—in Germany. That the German authorities took little notice of the radical changes that these shifts of population structure meant was the cause of considerable debate in later years.{{Citation needed|date=August 2015}}
In the 1950s Federal Republic, [[German Restitution Laws|restitution laws]] for compensation for those who had suffered under the Nazis was limited to only those who had suffered from "racial, religious or political reasons", which were defined in such a way as to sharply limit the number of people entitled to collect compensation.<ref name="Illusions">{{cite journal|last=Ludtke|first= Alf |title='Coming to Terms with the Past': Illusions of Remembering, Ways of Forgetting Nazism in West Germany |journal=The Journal of Modern History|volume= 65|issue= 3 |pages= 542–572 |year= 1993 |doi=10.1086/244674|s2cid= 144281631 |url= https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:gbv:547-202400339 }}</ref>{{rp|564}} According to the 1953 law on compensation for suffering during the National Socialist era, only those with a territorial connection with Germany could receive compensation for their suffering, which had the effect of excluding the millions of people, mostly from Central and Eastern Europe, who had been taken to Germany to work as slave labor during World War II.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|565}} In the same vein, to be eligible for compensation they would have to prove that they were part of the "realm of German language and culture", a requirement that excluded most of the surviving slave laborers who did not know German or at least enough German to be considered part of the "realm of German language and culture".<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|567}} Likewise, the law excluded homosexuals, Gypsies, Communists, ''Asoziale'' ("Asocials" – people considered by the National Socialist state to be anti-social, a broad category comprising anyone from petty criminals to people who were merely eccentric and non-conformist), and homeless people for their suffering in the concentration camps under the grounds that all these people were "criminals" whom the state was protecting German society from by sending them to concentration camps, and in essence these victims of the National Socialist state got what they deserved, making them unworthy of compensation.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|564, 565}} In this regard it is significant{{According to whom|date=August 2015}} that the 1935 version of [[Paragraph 175]] was not repealed until 1969.<ref name="Burleigh, Michael page 183">{{cite book|last1=Burleigh |first1=Michael |last2=Wippermann|first2=Wolfgang |title=The Racial State: Germany 1933–1945|url=https://archive.org/details/racialstate00mich |url-access=registration |location= Cambridge|publisher= Cambridge University Press|year= 1991 |page= [https://archive.org/details/racialstate00mich/page/183 183]}}</ref> As a result, German homosexuals – in many cases survivors of the concentration camps – between 1949 and 1969 continued to be convicted under the same law that had been used to convict them between 1935 and 1945, though in the period 1949–69 they were sent to prison rather than to a concentration camp.<ref name="Burleigh, Michael page 183"/>
A study done in 1953 showed that of the 42,000 people who had survived the [[Buchenwald concentration camp]], only 700 were entitled to compensation under the 1953 law.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|564}} The German historian [[Alf Lüdtke]] wrote that the decision to deny that the Roma and the Sinti had been victims of National Socialist racism and to exclude the Roma and Sinti from compensation under the grounds that they were all "criminals" reflected the same anti-Gypsy racism that made them the target of persecution and genocide during the National Socialist era.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|565, 568–69}} The cause of the Roma and Sinti excited so little public interest that it was not until 1979 that a group was founded to lobby for compensation for the Roma and the Sinti survivors.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|568–569}} Communist concentration camp survivors were excluded from compensation under the grounds that in 1933 the [[Communist Party of Germany|KPD]] had been seeking "violent domination" by working for a Communist revolution, and thus the banning of the KPD and the subsequent repression of the Communists were justified.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|564}} In 1956, the law was amended to allow Communist concentration camp survivors to collect compensation provided that they had not been associated with Communist causes after 1945, but as almost all the surviving Communists belonged to the [[Union of Persecutees of the Nazi Regime]], which had been banned in 1951 by the Hamburg government as a Communist front organisation, the new law did not help many of the KPD survivors.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|565–566}} Compensation started to be paid to most Communist survivors regardless if they had belonged to the VVN or not following a 1967 court ruling, through the same court ruling had excluded those Communists who had "actively" fought the constitutional order after the banning of the KPD again in 1956.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|565–566}} Only in the 1980s were demands made mostly from members of the SPD, FDP and above all the Green parties that the Federal Republic pay compensation to the Roma, Sinti, gay, homeless and ''Asoziale'' survivors of the concentration camps.<ref name="Illusions"/>{{rp|568}}
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The grand old man of German postwar politics had to be dragged—almost literally—out of office in 1963.{{Tone inline|date=March 2023|reason=Informal tone and use of colloquialisms.}} In 1959, it was time to elect a new president and Adenauer decided that he would place Erhard in this office. Erhard was not enthusiastic, and to everybody's surprise, Adenauer decided at the age of 83 that he would take on the position. His aim was apparently to remain in control of German politics for another ten years despite the growing mood for change, but when his advisers informed him just how limited the powers of the president were he quickly lost interest.<ref name="Informationen"/>{{rp|3}} An alternative candidate was needed and eventually the Minister of Agriculture, [[Heinrich Lübke]] took on the task and was duly elected.
In October 1962, the weekly news magazine ''[[Der Spiegel]]'' published an analysis of the West German military defense. The conclusion was that there were several weaknesses in the system. Ten days after publication, the offices of ''Der Spiegel'' in Hamburg were raided by the police and quantities of documents were seized under the orders of the CSU Defense Minister [[Franz Josef Strauss]]. Chancellor Adenauer proclaimed in the ''Bundestag'' that the article was tantamount to high treason and that the authors would be prosecuted. The editor/owner of the magazine, [[Rudolf Augstein]] spent some time in jail before the public outcry over the breaking of laws on freedom of the press became too loud to be ignored. The FDP members of Adenauer's cabinet resigned from the government, demanding the resignation of [[Franz Josef Strauss]], Defence Minister, who had decidedly overstepped his competence during the crisis by his heavy-handed attempt to silence ''Der Spiegel'' for essentially running a story that was unflattering to him (which incidentally was true).<ref name="Taylor, Frederick page 371">{{cite book|last=Taylor|first= Frederick |title=Exorcising Hitler|url=https://archive.org/details/exorcisinghitler0000tayl|url-access=registration|location= London|publisher= Bloomsbury Press|year= 2011 |page= [https://archive.org/details/exorcisinghitler0000tayl/page/371 371]|isbn= 9781596915367 }}</ref> The British historian [[Frederick Taylor (historian)|Frederick Taylor]] argued that the Federal Republic under Adenauer retained many of the characteristics of the authoritarian "deep state" that existed under the Weimar Republic, and that the ''Der Spiegel'' affair marked an important turning point in German values as ordinary people rejected the old authoritarian values in favor of the more democratic values that are today seen as the bedrock of the Federal Republic.<ref name="Taylor, Frederick page 371"/> Adenauer's own reputation was impaired by [[Spiegel scandal|Spiegel affair]] and he announced that he would step down in the autumn of 1963. His successor was to be the Economics Minister [[Ludwig Erhard]], who was the man widely credited as the father of the "economic miracle" of the 1950s and of whom great things{{what?|date=May 2024}} were expected.{{by whom?|date=May 2024}}<ref name="Informationen"/>{{rp|5}}
The proceedings of the War Crimes Tribunal at Nuremberg had been widely publicised in Germany but, a new generation of teachers, educated with the findings of historical studies, could begin to reveal the truth about the war and the crimes committed in the name of the German people. In 1963, a German court ruled that a KGB assassin named [[Bohdan Stashynsky]] who had committed several murders in the Federal Republic in the late 1950s was not legally guilty of murder, but was only an accomplice to murder as the responsibility for Stashynsky's murders rested only with his superiors in Moscow who had given him his orders.<ref name="Wette, Wolfram"/>{{rp|245}} The legal implications of the Stashynsky case, namely that in a totalitarian system only executive decision-makers can be held legally responsible for any murders committed and that anyone else who follows orders and commits murders were just accomplices to murder was to greatly hinder the prosecution of Nazi war criminals in the coming decades, and ensured that even when convicted, that Nazi criminals received the far lighter sentences reserved for accomplices to murders than the harsher sentences given to murderers.<ref name="Wette, Wolfram"/>{{rp|245}} The term executive decision-maker who could be found guilty of murder was reserved by the courts only for those at the highest levels of the ''Reich'' leadership during the Nazi period.<ref name="Wette, Wolfram"/>{{rp|245}} The only way that a Nazi criminal could be convicted of murder was to show that they were not following orders at the time and had acted on their initiative when killing someone.<ref name="Fulford">{{cite web| last = Fulford| first = Robert| author-link = Robert Fulford (journalist) | title = How the Auschwitz Trial failed | publisher = National Post
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In the early sixties, the rate of economic growth slowed down significantly. In 1962, the growth rate was 4.7% and the following year, 2.0%. After a brief recovery, the growth rate petered into a recession, with no growth in 1967. The economic showdown forced Erhard's resignation in 1966 and he was replaced with [[Kurt Georg Kiesinger]] of the CDU. Kiesinger was to attract much controversy because in 1933 he had joined the National Socialist Legal Guild and [[Nazi Party|NSDAP]] (membership in the former was necessary in order to practice law, but membership in the latter was entirely voluntary).
[[File:Rudi.jpg|right|upright=0.8|thumb|[[Rudi Dutschke]], student leader]]
During the time leading up to the passing of the laws, there was fierce opposition to them, above all by the [[Free Democratic Party (Germany)|Free Democratic Party]], the rising [[German student movement]], a group calling itself ''Notstand der Demokratie'' (Democracy in Crisis), the [[Außerparlamentarische Opposition]] and members of the Campaign against Nuclear Armament. The late 1960s saw the rise of the [[German student movement|student movement]] and university campuses in a constant state of uproar. A key event in the development of open democratic debate occurred in 1967 when the Shah of Iran visited West Berlin. Several thousand demonstrators gathered outside the Opera House where he was to attend a special performance. Supporters of the Shah (later known as 'Jubelperser'), armed with staves and bricks, attacked the protesters while the police stood by and watched. A demonstration in the center was being forcibly dispersed when a bystander named [[Benno Ohnesorg]] was shot in the head and killed by a plain-clothed policeman [[Karl-Heinz Kurras]]. (It has now been established that the policeman, Kurras, was a paid spy of the East German [[Stasi]] security forces.){{citation needed|date=March 2019}} Protest demonstrations continued, and calls for more active opposition by some groups of students were made, which was declared by the press, especially the [[Tabloid journalism|tabloid]] ''[[Bild-Zeitung]]'' newspaper, to be acts of terrorism. The conservative ''Bild-Zeitung'' waged a massive campaign against the protesters who were declared to be just hooligans and thugs in the pay of East Germany. The press baron [[Axel Springer]] emerged as one of the principal hate figures for the student protesters because of ''Bild-Zeitung''{{'s}} often violent attacks on them. Protests against the US intervention in Vietnam, mingled with anger over the vigor with which demonstrations were repressed, led to mounting militancy among the students at the universities of Berlin. One of the most prominent campaigners was a young man from East Germany called [[Rudi Dutschke]] who also criticised the forms of capitalism that were to be seen in West Berlin. Just before Easter 1968, a young man{{who?|date=May 2024}} tried to kill Dutschke as he bicycled to the student union, seriously injuring him. All over West Germany, thousands demonstrated against the Springer newspapers which were seen as the prime cause of the violence against students. Trucks carrying newspapers were set on fire and windows in office buildings broken.<ref name="Kraushaar">{{cite book|first=Wolfgang|last=Kraushaar|title= Frankfurter Schule und Studentenbewegung| volume= 2 |publisher=Rogner und Bernhard|language=de|trans-title=Frankfurt School and the Student Movement|year=1998 |number= 193| page= 356}}</ref> In the wake of these demonstrations, in which the question of America's role in Vietnam began to play a bigger role, came a desire among the students to find out more about the role of their parents' generation in the Nazi era.
[[File:Ludwig Binder Haus der Geschichte Studentenrevolte 1968 2001 03 0275.0011 (16910985309).jpg|thumb|upright=0.8|left|Protest against the [[Vietnam War]] in West Berlin in 1968]]
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[[File:RAF-Logo.svg|thumb|upright=0.8|right|RAF symbol]]
Anger over the treatment of demonstrators following the death of Benno Ohnesorg and the attack on Rudi Dutschke, coupled with growing frustration over the lack of success in achieving their aims, led to growing militancy among students and their supporters. In May 1968, three young people set fire to two department stores in Frankfurt; they were brought to trial and made very clear to the court that they regarded their action as a legitimate act in what they described as the 'struggle against imperialism'.<ref name="Kraushaar"/> The student movement began to split into different factions, ranging from the unattached liberals to the Maoists and supporters of direct action in every form—the anarchists. Several groups set as their objective the aim of radicalizing the industrial workers and, taking an example from activities in Italy of the Brigade Rosse, many students went to work in the factories, but with little or no success. The most notorious of the underground groups was the 'Baader-Meinhof Group', later known as the [[Red Army Faction]], which began by making bank raids to finance their activities and eventually went underground having killed a number of policemen, several bystanders and eventually two prominent West Germans, whom they had taken captive in order to force the release of prisoners sympathetic to their ideas. The "Baader-Meinhof gang" was committed to the overthrow of the Federal Republic via terrorism in order to achieve the establishment of a Communist state. In the 1990s attacks were still being committed under the name "RAF". The last action took place in 1993 and the group announced it was giving up its activities in 1998. Evidence that the groups had been infiltrated by German Intelligence undercover agents has since emerged, partly through the insistence of the son of one of their prominent victims, the State Counsel Buback.<ref>{{cite
===Political developments 1969–1990===
{{cquote|''The principle is written in [[Grundgesetz|our Constitution]] – that no one has the right to give up a policy whose goal is the eventual reunification of Germany. But in a realistic view of the world, this is a goal that could take generations beyond [[Silent Generation|my own]] to achieve.''}}
{{center|<small>[[Leader of the Christian Democratic Union|CDU Leader]] Helmuth Kohl for [[The New York Times]], 1976<ref>[https://www.nytimes.com/1976/08/17/archives/kohl-says-hed-bring-sounder-policy-in-bonn.html Kohl Says He'd Bring ‘Sounder’ Policy in Bonn], ''[[The New York Times]]'', August 17th, 1976</ref></small>}}
In the 1969 election, the SPD—headed by [[Willy Brandt]]—gained enough votes to form a coalition government with the FDP. Although chancellor for only just over four years, Brandt was one of the most popular politicians in the whole period. Brandt was a gifted speaker and the growth of the Social Democrats from there on was in no small part due to his personality.{{Citation needed|date=April 2014}} Brandt began a policy of rapprochement with West Germany's eastern neighbors known as ''[[Ostpolitik]]'', a policy opposed by the CDU. The issue of improving relations with Poland, Czechoslovakia, and East Germany made for an increasingly aggressive tone in public debates but it was a huge step forward when Willy Brandt and the Foreign Minister, Walther Scheel (FDP) negotiated agreements with all three countries ([[Treaty of Moscow (1970)|Moscow Agreement]], August 1970, [[Treaty of Warsaw (1970)|Warsaw Agreement]], December 1970, [[Four Power Agreement on Berlin|Four-Power Agreement]] over the status of West Berlin in 1971 and an [[Basic Treaty, 1972|agreement on relations between West and East Germany]], signed in December 1972).<ref name="Informationen"/>{{rp|32}} These agreements were the basis for a rapid improvement in the relations between east and west and led, in the long term, to the dismantlement of the Warsaw Treaty and the Soviet Union's control over East-Central Europe. During a visit to Warsaw on 7 December 1970, Brandt made the [[Warschauer Kniefall]] by kneeling before a monument to those killed in the [[Warsaw Ghetto Uprising]], a gesture of humility and penance that no German chancellor had made until that time. Chancellor Brandt was forced to resign in May 1974, after [[Günter Guillaume]], a senior member of his staff, was uncovered as a spy for the East German intelligence service, the [[Stasi]]. Brandt's contributions to world peace led to his winning the Nobel Peace Prize for 1971.
[[File:U.S. military vehicle, West Germany 1978.JPG|thumb|U.S. military convoys were still a regular sight in West Germany in the 1970s and 1980s.]]
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West Germany's relations with East Germany posed particularly difficult questions. Though anxious to relieve serious hardships for divided families and to reduce friction, West Germany under Brandt's ''Ostpolitik'' was intent on holding to its concept of "two German states in one German nation". Relations gradually improved. In the early 1970s, the ''Ostpolitik'' led to a form of mutual recognition between East and West Germany. The [[Treaty of Moscow (1970)|Treaty of Moscow]] (August 1970), the [[Treaty of Warsaw (1970)|Treaty of Warsaw]] (December 1970), the [[Four Power Agreement on Berlin]] (September 1971), the [[Transit Agreement (1972)|Transit Agreement]] (May 1972), and the [[Basic Treaty (1972)|Basic Treaty]] (December 1972) helped to normalise relations between East and West Germany and led to both states joining the [[United Nations]] in September 1973. The two German states exchanged [[Permanent Missions of Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic|permanent representatives]] in 1974, and, in 1987, East German head of state [[Erich Honecker]] paid an [[Erich Honecker's 1987 visit to West Germany|official visit]] to West Germany.
===Aftermath===
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{{Portal|East Germany|Germany}}
* [http://www.ena.lu?lang=2&doc=309 Germany at the onset of the
* [http://www.ena.lu?lang=2&doc=4023 James F. Byrnes, Speaking Frankly] (The division of Germany)
* [http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/marshall/large/documents/index.php?pagenumber=1&documentid=24&documentdate=1947-02-28&studycollectionid=mp&nav=OK The President's Economic Mission to Germany and Austria, Report No. 1 (1947)] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160415090310/http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/marshall/large/documents/index.php?pagenumber=1&documentid=24&documentdate=1947-02-28&studycollectionid=mp&nav=OK |date=15 April 2016 }}
* [http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/marshall/large/documents/index.php?pagenumber=1&documentid=22&documentdate=1947-03-24&studycollectionid=mp&nav=OK The President's Economic Mission to Germany and Austria, Report 3 (1947)] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160421104721/http://www.trumanlibrary.org/whistlestop/study_collections/marshall/large/documents/index.php?pagenumber=1&documentid=22&documentdate=1947-03-24&studycollectionid=mp&nav=OK |date=21 April 2016 }}
* [http://www.ghi-dc.org/fileadmin/user_upload/GHI_Washington/PDFs/Occasional_Papers/The_Struggle_for_Germany.pdf The Struggle for Germany and the Origins of the Cold War] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160827001230/http://www.ghi-dc.org/fileadmin/user_upload/GHI_Washington/PDFs/Occasional_Papers/The_Struggle_for_Germany.pdf |date=27 August 2016 }} by Melvyn P. Leffler
* [http://www.zeitgeschichte-online.de/ Contemporary History] maintained by the ''Institute for Contemporary Historical Research in Potsdam'' {{in lang|de}}
* [https://web.archive.org/web/20060901074949/http://www.fdrlibrary.marist.edu/psf/box32/t298x01.html Special German series 2. The Committee on Dismemberment of Germany] Allied discussions on the dismemberment of Germany into separate states, 29 March 1945.
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* For representation of the German Partition in literature, one can consult the [[Raiganj University]] – [[Professor]] [[Pinaki Roy]]'s "''Das Bewusstsein für die Wand'': A Very Brief Review of German Partition Literature", in ''[[The Atlantic Critical Review Quarterly]]'' (ISSN 0972-6373; {{ISBN|978-81-269-1747-1}}) 11 (2), April–June 2012: 157–68. In his "''Patriots in Fremden Landern'': 1939–45 German Émigré Literature", collected in ''Writing Difference: Nationalism, Identity, and Literature'', edited by G.N. Ray, J. Sarkar, and A. Bhattacharyya, and published by the [[New Delhi]]-based Atlantic Publishers and Distributors in 2014 ({{ISBN|978-81-269-1938-3}}; pages-367-90), Roy examines the attitudes and ideologies of those anti-[[Nazi]] [[Germany|German]] litterateurs who were forced to relocate due to their opposition to [[National Socialism]] and hence suffered from a sort of identity-crisis.
* [http://hdl.loc.gov/loc.rbc/eadrbc.rb013001 Post-World War II Posters from Germany, 1945–1947] From the Collections at the [[Library of Congress]]
* [http://en.geschichte-abitur.de/east-west-german-division/chronology Chronology of the East-West-German division] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190510140221/http://en.geschichte-abitur.de/east-west-german-division/chronology |date=10 May 2019 }}
{{Germany topics}}
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