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{{Short description|Displaced children at risk of persecution}}
[[File:Somali bantu children florida.jpg|thumb|285x285px|[[Somali Bantu|Bantu]] refugee children from Somalia at a farewell party in Florida before being relocated to other places in the United States]]
Nearly half of all [[refugee]]s are children, and almost one in three children living outside their country of birth is a [[refugee]].<ref name=":5">Emily Garin, Jan Beise, Lucia Hug, and Danzhen You. 2016. “Uprooted: The Growing Crisis for Refugee and Migrant Children.” UNICEF. https://www.unicef.org/videoaudio/PDFs/Uprooted.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200202111034/https://www.unicef.org/videoaudio/PDFs/Uprooted.pdf |date=2020-02-02 }}.</ref> These numbers encompass children whose [[Refugee#Refugee status|refugee status]] has been formally confirmed, as well as children in refugee-like situations.
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==Legal protection==
{{
The [[Convention on the Rights of the Child]], the most widely ratified human rights treaty in history, includes four articles that are particularly relevant to children involved in or affected by forced displacement:<ref name=":1">UNICEF. "Convention on the Rights of the Child." ''Child Labor'' (1989): 8.</ref>
* the principle of non-discrimination (Article 2)
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==== Refugee camps ====
Some [[refugee camp]]s operate at levels below acceptable standards of environmental health; overcrowding and a lack of wastewater networks and sanitation systems are common.<ref>Farah, Randa. "A report on the psychological effects of overcrowding in refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza Strip." ''Prepared for the Expert and Advisory Services Fund—International Development Research Centre, Canada: IDRC'' (2000).</ref><ref>de Bruijn, Bart. ''The Living Conditions and Well-being of Refugees''. No. 19208. University Library of Munich, Germany, 2009.</ref><ref name=":26">Cronin, A. A., D. Shrestha, N. Cornier, F. Abdalla, N. Ezard, and C. Aramburu. "A review of water and sanitation provision in refugee camps in association with selected health and nutrition
Hardships of a refugee camp may also contribute to symptoms following a refugee child's discharge from a camp. A small number of [[Cubans|Cuban]] refugee children and adolescents, who were detained in a refugee camp, were assessed months after their release, and it was found that 57 percent of the youth exhibited moderate to severe [[posttraumatic stress disorder]] (PTSD) symptoms.<ref>Rothe, Eugenio M., John Lewis, Hector Castillo-Matos, Orestes Martinez, Ruben Busquets, and Igna Martinez. "Posttraumatic stress disorder among Cuban children and adolescents after release from a refugee camp." ''Psychiatric Services'' 53, no. 8 (2002): 970-976.</ref> Unaccompanied girls at refugee camps may also face harassment or assault from camp guards and fellow male refugees.<ref name=":14">Asaf, Yumna. "Syrian Women and the Refugee Crisis: Surviving the Conflict, Building Peace, and Taking New Gender Roles." ''Social Sciences'' 6, no. 3 (2017): 110.</ref> In addition to having poor infrastructure and limited support services, there are a few refugee camps that can present danger to refugee children and families by housing members of armed forces. Also, at a few refugee camps, militia forces may try to recruit and abduct children.<ref name=":5" />
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==== Refugee resettlement ====
[[Third country resettlement]]
The United States established its Unaccompanied Refugee Minor Program in 1980 to support unaccompanied children for resettlement. The [[Office of Refugee Resettlement]] (ORR) by the [[United States Department of Homeland Security|Department of Homeland Security]] currently works with state and local service providers to provide unaccompanied refugee children with resettlement and foster care services. This service is guaranteed to unaccompanied refugee minors until they reach the age of majority or until they are reunited with their families.<ref>Huemer, Julia, Niranjan S. Karnik, Sabine Voelkl-Kernstock, Elisabeth Granditsch, Kanita Dervic, Max H. Friedrich, and Hans Steiner. "Mental health issues in unaccompanied refugee minors." ''Child and adolescent psychiatry and mental health'' 3, no. 1 (2009): 13.</ref>
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==== Nutrition ====
Refugee children arriving in the United States often come from countries with a high prevalence of undernutrition.<ref name="Lutfy, Caitlyn 2014">Lutfy, Caitlyn, Susan T. Cookson, Leisel Talley, and Roger Rochat. "Malnourished children in refugee camps and lack of connection with services after US resettlement."
However, some time after they arrived in the United States and Australia, many refugee children demonstrated an increasing rate of overnutrition. An Australian study, assessing the nutritional status of 337 sub-Saharan African children aged between three and 12 years, found that the prevalence rate for overweight amongst refugee children was 18.4%.<ref>Renzaho, Andre, Carl Gibbons, Boyd Swinburn, Damien Jolley, and Catherine Burns. "Obesity and undernutrition in sub-Saharan African immigrant and refugee children in Victoria, Australia." PhD diss., Healthy Eating Club, 2006.</ref> The prevalence rate of overweight and obesity among refugee children in [[Rhode Island]], increased from 17.3% at initial measurement at first arrival to 35.4% at measurement three years after.<ref>Heney, Jessica H., Camia C. Dimock, Jennifer F. Friedman, and C. Lewis. "Pediatric refugees in Rhode Island: increases in BMI percentile, overweight, and obesity following resettlement."
But the nutritional profiles of refugee children also often vary by their country of origin. A study involving Syrian refugee children in Jordanian refugee camps found them to be on average more likely overweight than acutely malnourished. The low prevalence of acute malnutrition among them was attributed, at least partly, to UNICEF's infant and child feeding interventions, as well as to the distribution of food vouchers by the World Food Programme (WFP).<ref>Bilukha, Oleg O., Douglas Jayasekaran, Ann Burton, Gabriele Faender, James King'ori, Mohammad Amiri, Dorte Jessen, and Eva Leidman. "Nutritional Status of Women and Child Refugees from Syria—Jordan, April–May 2014."
Among newly arrived refugees in Washington state, significantly higher rates of obesity were observed among Iraqi children, whereas higher rates of stunting were found among Burmese and Somali children. The latter also had higher rates of wasting.<ref name=":17" /> Such variation in the nutrition profiles of refugee children may be explained by the variance in refugees' location and time in transition.<ref>Yun, Katherine, Jasmine Matheson, Colleen Payton, Kevin C. Scott, Barbara L. Stone, Lihai Song, William M. Stauffer, Kailey Urban, Janine Young, and Blain Mamo. "Health profiles of newly arrived refugee children in the United States, 2006–2012."
==== Communicable diseases ====
Communicable diseases are a pervasive issue faced by refugee children in camps and other temporary settlements. Governments and organizations are working to address a number of them, such as measles, rubella, diarrhea, and cholera. Refugee children often arrive in the United States from countries with a high prevalence of [[Infectious Disease|infectious disease]].<ref name="Lutfy, Caitlyn 2014"/>
[[Measles]] has been a major cause of child deaths in refugee camps and among [[internally displaced people]]; measles also exacerbates malnutrition and vitamin A deficiency.<ref name=":182"/><ref>Toole, Michael J., Richard W. Steketee, Ronald J. Waldman, and Phillip Nieburg. "Measles prevention and control in emergency settings."
Diarrhea, acute watery diarrhea, and [[cholera]] can also put children's lives at risk. Countries, such as Bangladesh, have identified the introduction and development of proper sanitation habits and facilities as potential solutions to these medical conditions. A 2008 study comparing refugee camps in Bangladesh reported that camps with sanitation facilities had cholera rates of 16%, whereas camps without such facilities had cholera rates that were almost three times higher.<ref name=":26" /> In a single week in 2017, 5,011 cases of diarrhea in refugee camps in Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh were reported. In response, UNICEF started a year-long cholera vaccination campaign in October 2017, targeting all children in the camps. At health centers in the refugee camps, UNICEF has been screening for potential cholera cases and providing oral rehydration salts. Community-based health workers are also going around the camps to share information on the risks of acute watery diarrhea, the cholera vaccination campaign, and the importance and necessity of good hygiene practices.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://blogs.unicef.org/blog/preventing-cholera-in-rohingya-refugee-camps/|title=Racing to prevent cholera in Rohingya refugee camps|last=Reilly|first=Hugh|date=October 9, 2017|work=UNICEF|access-date=November 26, 2017}}</ref>
==== Noncommunicable diseases ====
During all points of the refugee experience, refugee children are often at risk of developing several noncommunicable diseases and conditions, such as lead poisoning, obesity, type
Many refugee children come to their host countries with elevated blood lead levels; others encounter lead hazards once they have resettled. A study published in January 2013 found that the blood lead levels of refugee children who had just arrived to the state of New Hampshire were more than twice as likely to be above 10
A study analyzing the medical records of former refugees residing in Rochester, New York, between 1980 and 2012 demonstrated that former child refugees may be at increased risk of [[obesity]], [[Diabetes mellitus type 2|type 2 diabetes]], and [[hypertension]] following resettlement.<ref>Golub, Natalia. "Longitudinal Health Outcomes in Former Refugees." PhD diss., University of Rochester, 2014.</ref>
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==== Mental health and illness ====
Traditionally, the mental health of children experiencing conflict is understood in terms of either post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or toxic stress.<ref>Thabet, A.A. and P. Vostanis, Post-traumatic stress reactions in children of war. ''J Child Psychol Psychiatry'', 1999. 40(3): p. 385-91.</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Attanayake|first1=Vindya|last2=McKay|first2=Rachel|last3=Joffres|first3=Michel|last4=Singh|first4=Sonal|last5=Burkle|first5=Frederick|last6=Mills|first6=Edward|s2cid=36293042|date=January 2009|title=Prevalence of mental disorders among children exposed to war: a systematic review of 7,920 children|journal=Medicine, Conflict and Survival|language=en|volume=25|issue=1|pages=4–19|doi=10.1080/13623690802568913|pmid=19413154|issn=1362-3699}}</ref> Prolonged and constant exposure to stress and uncertainty, characteristic of a war environment may result in toxic stress that children express with a change in behavior that may include anxiety, self-harm, aggressiveness or suicide.<ref name="SavetheChildren, Invisible Wounds 2017">SavetheChildren, Invisible Wounds: The impact of six years of war on the mental health of Syrian children. 2017.</ref> A 2017 study conducted in Syria by Save the Children determined that 84% of all adults and most children considered ongoing bombing and shelling to be the main psychological stressor, while 89% said that children were more fearful as the war progressed, and 80% said that children had become more aggressive. These stressors are leading causes of the symptoms described above, which lead to diagnosis of PTSD and toxic stress, among other mental conditions. These issues may then be further exacerbated by a forced migration to a foreign country, and the beginning of the process of refugee status determination.<ref name="SavetheChildren, Invisible Wounds 2017"/> A review of refugee children in high-income countries showed PTSD prevalence ranging
Refugee children are extremely vulnerable during migration and resettlement, and may experience long-term pathological effects, due to "disrupted development time". Psychoanalysts of refugee health have proposed that refugee children experience mourning for their culture and countries, despite the fact that the war-torn state of their homes is unsafe. This sudden loss of familiarity places children at a greater risk for mental dysfunction. In addition, studies have shown that refugee children show a higher vulnerability to stress when separated from their families.<ref name=":27"/> Studies from treatment facilities and small community samples have confirmed that refugee youth are at higher risk for psychopathologic disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, conduct disorder, and problems resulting from substance abuse.<ref>{{Cite web|title=The Educational and Mental Health Needs of Syrian Refugee Children|url=https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/educational-and-mental-health-needs-syrian-refugee-children|last=Rogers-Sirin|first=Selcuk R. Sirin, Lauren|date=2015-10-09|website=migrationpolicy.org|language=en|access-date=2020-05-03}}</ref> Refugee children living in high-income countries have a prevalence of depression of 3–30%, with an average prevalence of 18%.<ref name="Founfelker"/> However, other large-scale community surveys have found that the rate of psychiatric disorder among immigrant youth is not higher than that of native-born children.<ref>Betancourt, Theresa Stichick, and Kashif Tanveer Khan. "The mental health of children affected by armed conflict: protective processes and pathways to resilience."
Refugees can be stigmatized if they encounter mental health deficiencies prior to and during their resettlement into a new society.<ref name="Lustig"/>{{rp|p.14}} Differences between parental and host country [[values]] can create a rift between the refugee child and his/her new society.<ref name="Hyman">{{cite journal|last1=Hyman|first1=Ilene|last2=Beiser|first2=Morton|last3=Vu|first3=Nhi|year=1996|title=The Mental Health of Refugee Children in Canada|url=http://pi.library.yorku.ca/ojs/index.php/refuge/article/view/21885|journal=Refuge|volume=15|issue=5|pages=4–8|doi=10.25071/1920-7336.21885|doi-access=free}}</ref>{{rp|p. 5}} Less exposure to stigmatization lowers the risk of refugee children developing PTSD.<ref name="Lustig"/>{{rp|p.14}}
===Access to healthcare===
Cognitive and structural barriers make it difficult to determine the medical service utilization rates and patterns of refugee children. A better understanding of these barriers will help improve mental healthcare access for refugee children and their families.<ref>{{cite journal|date=December 2009|title=Help-seeking for mental health problems in young refugees: a review of the literature with implications for policy, practice, and research|journal=Transcult Psychiatry|volume=46|issue=4|pages=584–607|doi=10.1177/1363461509351363|pmid=20028678|vauthors=de Anstiss H, Ziaian T, Procter N, Warland J, Baghurst P|s2cid=23538996}}</ref> It is important for children to access [[healthcare]] for the following reasons: Early interventions and treatments, Prevention of Childhood illnesses, Health tracking.<ref>{{Cite web |last=fastSEO |date=2023-02-24 |title=Why It's Important for Children to Have Access to Healthcare |url=https://pediatrixmd.com/blog/why-its-important-for-children-to-have-access-to-healthcare/ |access-date=2023-11-25 |website=pediatrixmd.com |language=en-US}}</ref>
==== Cognitive and emotional barriers ====
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To provide culturally competent care to refugees, mental healthcare providers should demonstrate some understanding of the patient's background, and a sensitive commitment to relevant cultural manners (for example: privacy, gender dynamics, religious customs, and lack of language skills).<ref name="McKeary"/>{{rp|p.527}} The willingness of refugees to access mental healthcare services rests on the degree of cultural sensitivity within the structure of their service provider.<ref name="McKeary"/>{{rp|p.528}}
The protective influence exercised by adult refugees on their child and adolescent dependents makes it unlikely that young adult-accompanied refugees will access mental healthcare services. Only
Parents, caretakers and teachers are more likely to report an adolescent's need for help, and seek help resources, than the adolescent.<ref name="Bean"/>{{rp|p.348}} Unaccompanied refugee minors are less likely to access mental healthcare services than their accompanied counterparts. Internalizing complaints (such as depression and anxiety) are prevalent forms of psychological distress among refugee children and adolescents.<ref name="Bean"/>{{rp|p.347}}
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Graham, Minhas, and Paxton (2016) note in their study that parents' misunderstandings about educational styles, teachers' low expectations and stereotyping tendencies, bullying and racial discrimination, pre-migration and post-migration trauma, and forced detention can all be risk factors for learning problems in refugee children. They also note that high academic and life ambition, parents' involvement in education, a supportive home and school environment, teachers' understanding of linguistic and cultural heritage, and healthy peer relationships can all contribute to a refugee child's success in school.<ref>Graham, Hamish R., Ripudaman S. Minhas, and Georgia Paxton. "Learning problems in children of refugee background: a systematic review." ''Pediatrics'' 137, no. 6 (2016): e20153994.</ref> While the initial purpose of refugee education was to prepare students to return to their home countries, now the focus of American refugee education is on integration.<ref name=":110"/>
In the United States, there is very little policy governing refugee students and their integration into schools. Most policies and policy debate is focused on immigration and asylum itself. This
===Access to education===
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Schools in North America lack the necessary resources for supporting refugee children, particularly in negotiating their academic experience and in addressing the diverse learning needs of refugee children.<ref name=ISIK-ERCAN>{{cite journal|last=Isik-Ercan|first=Zeynep|title=In Pursuit of a New Perspective in the Education of Children of the Refugees: Advocacy for the Family|journal=Educational Sciences: Theory & Practice|date=Autumn 2012|issue=Special Issue|pages=3025–8|url=https://www.academia.edu/2329285|access-date=15 May 2013}}</ref> Complex schooling policies that vary by classroom, building and district, and procedures that require written communication or parent involvement intimidate the parents of refugee children.<ref name=ISIK-ERCAN /> Educators in North America typically guess the grade in which refugee children should be placed because there is not a standard test or formal interview process required of refugee children.<ref name="Wilkinson"/>{{rp|p.189}}
[[File:The Sahrawi refugees – a forgotten crisis in the Algerian desert (5).jpg|thumb|[[Sahrawi people|Sahrawi]] refugee children learning Arabic and Spanish, math, reading and writing, and science subjects
The ability to enroll in school and continue one's studies in [[developing country|developing countries]] is limited and uneven across regions and settings of displacement, particularly for young girls and at the secondary levels.<ref name=Dryden-Peterson>{{cite book|last=Dryden-Peterson|first=Sarah|title=Refugee Education: A Global Review|year=2011|publisher=UNHCR|location=University of Toronto|url=http://www.unhcr.org/4fe317589.pdf}}</ref> The availability of sufficient classrooms and teachers is low and many discriminatory policies and practices prohibit refugee children from attending school.<ref name="Dryden-Peterson" /> Educational policies promoting age-caps can also be harmful to refugee children.<ref name="Wilkinson">{{cite journal |doi=10.1080/13676260220134430 |title=Factors Influencing the Academic Success of Refugee Youth in Canada |year=2002 |last1=Wilkinson |first1=Lori |s2cid=145667964 |journal=Journal of Youth Studies |volume=5 |issue=2 |pages=173–93}}</ref>{{rp|p.176}}
Many refugee children face legal restrictions to schooling, even in countries of first asylum.
[[File:The Right to Education - Refugees.jpg|thumb|Syrian refugee students attend
If refugee education programs exist they are weak in impact because they lack structure. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) stresses the importance of including refugee education in national and city planning, in order to attain consistency in funding and curriculum.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_acku_pamphlet_hv640_4_a28_u643_2001 |title=UNHCR Afghan refugee statistics 10 Sep 2001 / United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). |date=2001 |publisher=University of Arizona Libraries|doi=10.2458/azu_acku_pamphlet_hv640_4_a28_u643_2001 }}</ref> There need to be policies and programs in place to help refugees and immigrant children. Refugee children experience so many changes and hardships, including disruptions in their schooling; schools need to be a grounding and stable place for them, otherwise they will not learn to their best potential. Schools need to help students navigate everyday life in a foreign place.<ref name=":02">{{Cite journal |last1=McIntyre |first1=Joanna |last2=Neuhaus |first2=Sinikka |last3=Blennow |first3=Katarina |date=2018-09-26 |title=Participatory parity in schooling and moves towards ordinariness: a comparison of refugee education policy and practice in England and Sweden |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057925.2018.1515007 |journal=Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education |volume=50 |issue=3 |pages=391–409 |doi=10.1080/03057925.2018.1515007 |s2cid=149876945 |issn=0305-7925}}</ref> Schools are also protection for refugee and immigrant children who are particularly vulnerable to trafficking and other forms of violence and forced labor due to a lack of knowledge of their host societies.<ref name=":02" />
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| publisher = University of Toronto Press: Toronto
| year = 2011 }}</ref>{{rp|p.67}} Other obstacles may include:<ref name="McBriden" />
*Disrupted schooling
* Trauma
* School drop outs
* Parents
* Assimilation
* Social and individual rejection
* Identity confusion<ref name="McBriden" />{{rp|p.352}}
* Behavioral issues
===Role of teachers===
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Teachers in the United States often have little experience with the trauma that refugees often face. They also lack training on how to treat students who have experienced trauma.<ref name=":310"/> They often see refugee students as burdens and their different cultures and languages as barriers not assets to their education.<ref name=":111"/> This type of treatment of refugee students that diminish their capabilities have grave consequences such as negative developmental outcomes.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Wenzing |first1=Julia Marie Christina |last2=Gharaei |first2=Nadya |last3=Demir |first3=Zeynep |last4=Schachner |first4=Maja Katharina |date=2021-11-16 |title=Do Parental and Peer Support Protect Adjustment in the Face of Ethnic Discrimination? A Comparison between Refugee Youth and Youth of Immigrant Descent |journal=International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health |volume=18 |issue=22 |pages=12016 |doi=10.3390/ijerph182212016 |pmid=34831802 |pmc=8625724 |issn=1660-4601|doi-access=free }}</ref>
A booklet published in 2000 written by Dr. Sheila and Dr. Dick detailed the ways teachers can approach refugee children in school as well as the common problems refugee children present with at school.<ref name=":29">{{Cite journal|last=Blackwell|first=Dick|date=2000|title=Far from the Battle but Still at War: Troubled Refugee Children in School.|url=https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED462489.pdf|journal=Opinion Papers|volume=120|pages=1–26}}</ref> According to the booklet, refugees can come from traumatizing situations and thus may struggle with school attendance, literacy, and their cultural identity.<ref name=":29" /> The problems are said to present themselves as anger, withdrawal, issues with authority, concentration, rules, and other inappropriate behavior.<ref name=":29" /> The booklet suggests that teachers address those issues by helping children manage their behavior and emotions.<ref name=":29" /> According to
The study focuses on how teachers can educate themselves on their students' situations.<ref name=":30">{{Cite journal |last=Strekalova |first=Ekaterina |date=2008 |title=What Is Special about Special Needs of Refugee Children? |url=https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ822395.pdf |journal=Multicultural Education |volume=16 |pages=21–24}}</ref> One study encourages teachers to be aware of common behavioral problems that refugee children may exhibit in the classroom like anger, withdrawal, rule testing, problems with authority, inability to concentrate, inappropriate behavior, lower academic achievement.<ref name=":30" /> The study also notes how refugee children often exhibit this behavior because they are put into a different cultural context, face [[discrimination]], live with families in low socioeconomic circumstances, have no family, and/or have conflicts with their traditional cultural beliefs.<ref name=":30" /> The International Network of Public Schools is a model that can be emulated by schools serving immigrant students or English language learners. These schools prepare teachers specifically for working with refugee and immigrant students. In one example, Strekalova explains that the "most frequent stressful events Croatian refugee children have experienced prior to coming to the United States include: "loss of home (80%), loss of personal belongings (66.7%), separation from family members (66.7%), damage to property (48.9%), exposure to enemy attacks (46.7%), and death of a family member or friend (37.8%).<ref name=":302">{{Cite journal|last=Strekalova|first=Ekaterina|date=2008|title=What Is Special about Special Needs of Refugee Children?|url=https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ822395.pdf|journal=Multicultural Education|volume=16|pages=21–24}}</ref> Experiences such as these heavily shape a student's learning ability and educational needs. Teachers must be equipped with not only increased training to address students facing these issues, but the ability to increase student participation in their instruction and allow for the classroom assimilation of students with limited backgrounds in formal education<ref name=":302" /> According to the study, teachers who understand these barriers refugee children face and thus the inappropriate behavior they may exhibit can help their students have a more positive school experience.<ref name=":30" />
A book published in 2022 written by Dr. [[Sarah Dryden-Peterson]], titled ''Right Where We Belong: How Refugee Teachers and Students are Changing the Future of Education'', explores the contributions of refugee teachers and students and what they are doing to support themselves and their communities around the world. It is based on over 600 interviews with teachers and students over 15 years of work in 23 countries.<ref>{{Cite book |title=Right Where We Belong — Sarah Dryden-Peterson |url=https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674267992 |access-date=2022-10-08 |website=www.hup.harvard.edu | date=5 April 2022 | publisher=Harvard University Press | isbn=9780674267992 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Right Where We Belong: How Refugee Teachers and Students Are Changing the Future of Education |url=https://www.reach.gse.harvard.edu/right-where-we-belong-key-takeaways |access-date=2022-10-08 |website=REACH at Harvard Graduate School of Education |language=en-US}}</ref>
====Academic adjustment of refugee children====
[[File:Syrian refugee children.jpg|thumb|Syrian refugee children attend a lesson in a UNICEF temporary classroom in northern Lebanon, July 2014.]]
Teachers can make the transition to a new school easier for refugee children by providing [[Language interpretation|interpreters]].<ref name="Szente" /> Schools meet the psychosocial needs of children affected by war or displacement through programs that provide children with avenues for emotional expression, personal support, and opportunities to enhance their understanding of their past experience.<ref name="Roussea, Cecile & Guzder, Jaswant">{{cite journal |vauthors=Rousseau C, Guzder J |title=School-based prevention programs for refugee children |journal=Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin N Am |volume=17 |issue=3 |pages=533–49, viii |date=July 2008 |pmid=18558311 |doi=10.1016/j.chc.2008.02.002}}</ref>{{rp|p.536}} Refugee children benefit from a case-by-case approach to learning, because every child has had a different experience during their resettlement. Communities where the refugee populations are bigger should work with the schools to initiate after school, summer school, or weekend clubs that give the children more opportunities to adjust to their new educational setting.<ref name="Szente" />
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Studies performed by Koyama and Chang in Arizona show that refugee students benefit from programs which appreciate, rather than seek to eradicate, their cultural and ethnic backgrounds, forging ties between their identities and new experiences.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Koyama|first1=Jill|last2=Chang|first2=Ethan|date=2018-10-17|title=Schools as Refuge? The Politics and Policy of Educating Refugees in Arizona|journal=Educational Policy|volume=33|issue=1|pages=136–157|doi=10.1177/0895904818807319|s2cid=149480878|issn=0895-9048|doi-access=free}}</ref> Classical assimilation negatively impacts refugee education by making assimilation more difficult from the start, in addition to perpetuating prejudice and ethnic discrimination. By exalting American identity as the standard, classical assimilation perpetuates racial hierarchies and stereotypes. The second method, acculturation and assimilation into the urban underclass, is even more susceptible to exacerbating institutionalized racism and legacies of xenophobia. Acculturation and assimilation into the urban underclass refers to assimilation into disadvantaged and impoverished communities within the United States, furthering the cycle of poverty and struggle that many refugees are seeking to escape in the first place. This second method is again an example of legacies of racism and xenophobia, as it preys upon the historic marginalization of ethnic minority communities in the United States. Additionally, public education in the United States for the urban underclass faces a variety of issues independent of refugee education programs – the second method of assimilation results in refugees assimilating to communities that are historically underserved educationally, even without taking into account the various barriers and negative impacts of poorly run refugee education programs.<ref name=":412">{{Cite journal|last1=Xie|first1=Yu|last2=Greenman|date=May 2011|title=The social context of assimilation: testing implications of segmented assimilation theory.|journal=Social Science Research Journal|volume=40|issue=3|pages=965–984|doi=10.1016/j.ssresearch.2011.01.004|pmid=21572546|pmc=3093090}}</ref>
The International Network of Public Schools have established schools in the United States that are specific for refugee students but also provide a framework where students will eventually be integrated in the public school systems and in society in a way that values their culture and background.<ref name=":23"/> They do this by having small classes to offer personalized learning for each refugee student. They also offer a holistic support system for students by having dedicated teams of
=== Peace education ===
Implemented by UNICEF from 2012 to 2016 and funded by the Government of the Netherlands, Peacebuilding, Education, and Advocacy (PBEA) was an education program that aimed to improve peacebuilding.<ref>Affolter, Friedrich W. "Indicators for Education for Peacebuilding in Fragile States UNICEF’s Peacebuilding, Education and Advocacy Program."</ref> The PBEA program in Kenya's [[Dadaab refugee camp]] aimed to strengthen resilience and social cohesion in the camp, as well as between refugees and the host community.<ref name=":15" /> The initiative was composed of two parts: the Peace Education Programme (PEP), an in-school program taught in Dadaab's primary schools, and the Sports for Development and Peace (SDP) program for refugee adolescents and youth. There was anecdotal evidence of increased levels of social cohesion from participation in PEP and potential resilience from participation in SDP.<ref name=":15" />
Peace education for refugee children may also have limitations and its share of opponents. Although [[peace education]] from past programs involving non-refugee populations reported to have had positive effects,<ref>Arnon, Michal, and Yair Galily. "Monitoring the effects of an education for peace program: An Israeli perspective."
=== Pedagogical Approaches ===
Refugees fall into a unique situation where the nation-state may not adequately address their educational needs, and the international relief system is tasked with the role of a "pseudo-state" in developing a curriculum and pedagogical approach.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Larsen|first1=Marianne A.|last2=Beech|first2=Jason|date=May 2014|title=Spatial Theorizing in Comparative and International Education Research|journal=Comparative Education Review|volume=58|issue=2|pages=191–214|doi=10.1086/675499|issn=0010-4086|hdl=11336/33475|s2cid=27202776|hdl-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":28">{{Cite journal|last1=Waters|last2=Leblanc|date=2005|title=Refugees and Education: Mass Public Schooling without a Nation-State|journal=Comparative Education Review|volume=49|issue=2|pages=129|doi=10.1086/428102|issn=0010-4086|jstor=3542160|s2cid=145511199}}</ref> Critical pedagogical approaches to refugee education address the phenomenon of alienation that migrant students face in schools outside of their home countries, where the positioning of English language teachers and their students create power dynamics emphasizing the inadequacies of foreign-language speakers, intensified by the use of compensatory programs to cater to 'at-risk' students.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=McInerney|first=Peter|s2cid=143659667|date=February 2009|title=Toward a critical pedagogy of engagement for alienated youth: insights from Freire and
== Extracurricular resources ==
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Likewise, limited attention is being given to refugee children with disabilities in the United Kingdom. It was reported in February 2017 that its government has decided to partially suspend the Vulnerable Children's Resettlement Scheme, originally set to resettle 3,000 children with their families from countries in the Middle East and North Africa. As a result of this suspension, no youth with complex needs, including those with disabilities and learning difficulties, would be accepted into the program until further notice.<ref name=":25" />
Countries may often overlook refugee children with disabilities with regards to humanitarian aid, because data on refugee children with disabilities are limited. Roberts and Harris (1990) note that there is insufficient statistical and empirical information on disabled refugees in the United Kingdom.<ref>Roberts, Keri, and Jennifer Harris.
==See also==
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*[[Education for refugees, migrants and internally displaced persons]]
*[[Finnish war children]]
*[[Mobile learning for refugees]]
*[[Refugee women]]
*[[Refugee health]]
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*[[Asylum in the United States]]
*[[International Centre for Missing & Exploited Children]]
*[[International Missing Children's Day]]
==References==
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