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{{Short description|Displaced children at risk of persecution}}
[[File:Somali bantu children florida.jpg|thumb|285x285px|[[Somali Bantu|Bantu]] refugee children from Somalia at a farewell party in Florida before being relocated to other places in the United States]]
Nearly half of all [[refugee]]s are children, and almost one in three children living outside their country of birth is a [[refugee]].<ref name=":5">Emily Garin, Jan Beise, Lucia Hug, and Danzhen You. 2016. “Uprooted: The Growing Crisis for Refugee and Migrant Children.” UNICEF. https://www.unicef.org/videoaudio/PDFs/Uprooted.pdf {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200202111034/https://www.unicef.org/videoaudio/PDFs/Uprooted.pdf |date=2020-02-02 }}.</ref> These numbers encompass children whose [[Refugee#Refugee status|refugee status]] has been formally confirmed, as well as children in refugee-like situations.
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==Legal protection==
{{seefurther|Refugee law}}
The [[Convention on the Rights of the Child]], the most widely ratified human rights treaty in history, includes four articles that are particularly relevant to children involved in or affected by forced displacement:<ref name=":1">UNICEF. "Convention on the Rights of the Child."&nbsp;''Child Labor'' (1989): 8.</ref>
* the principle of non-discrimination (Article 2)
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==== Refugee camps ====
Some [[refugee camp]]s operate at levels below acceptable standards of environmental health; overcrowding and a lack of wastewater networks and sanitation systems are common.<ref>Farah, Randa. "A report on the psychological effects of overcrowding in refugee camps in the West Bank and Gaza Strip."&nbsp;''Prepared for the Expert and Advisory Services Fund—International Development Research Centre, Canada: IDRC'' (2000).</ref><ref>de Bruijn, Bart.&nbsp;''The Living Conditions and Well-being of Refugees''. No. 19208. University Library of Munich, Germany, 2009.</ref><ref name=":26">Cronin, A. A., D. Shrestha, N. Cornier, F. Abdalla, N. Ezard, and C. Aramburu. "A review of water and sanitation provision in refugee camps in association with selected health and nutrition indicators–theindicators – the need for integrated service provision."&nbsp; ''Journal of water and health''&nbsp;6, no. 1 (2008): 1-13.</ref>
 
Hardships of a refugee camp may also contribute to symptoms following a refugee child's discharge from a camp. A small number of [[Cubans|Cuban]] refugee children and adolescents, who were detained in a refugee camp, were assessed months after their release, and it was found that 57 percent of the youth exhibited moderate to severe [[posttraumatic stress disorder]] (PTSD) symptoms.<ref>Rothe, Eugenio M., John Lewis, Hector Castillo-Matos, Orestes Martinez, Ruben Busquets, and Igna Martinez. "Posttraumatic stress disorder among Cuban children and adolescents after release from a refugee camp."&nbsp;''Psychiatric Services''&nbsp;53, no. 8 (2002): 970-976.</ref> Unaccompanied girls at refugee camps may also face harassment or assault from camp guards and fellow male refugees.<ref name=":14">Asaf, Yumna. "Syrian Women and the Refugee Crisis: Surviving the Conflict, Building Peace, and Taking New Gender Roles."&nbsp;''Social Sciences''&nbsp;6, no. 3 (2017): 110.</ref> In addition to having poor infrastructure and limited support services, there are a few refugee camps that can present danger to refugee children and families by housing members of armed forces. Also, at a few refugee camps, militia forces may try to recruit and abduct children.<ref name=":5" />
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==== Refugee resettlement ====
[[Third country resettlement]]&nbsp; refers to the transfer of refugees from the country they have fled to another country that is more suitable to their needs and that has agreed to grant them permanent settlement.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://www.unhcr.org/en-us/resettlement.html|title=Resettlement|website=UNHCR|access-date=November 26, 2017}}</ref> Currently the number of places available for resettlement is less than the number needed for children for whom resettlement would be most appropriate.<ref name=":12" />&nbsp; Some nations have prioritized children at risk as a category for resettlement:
 
The United States established its Unaccompanied Refugee Minor Program in 1980 to support unaccompanied children for resettlement. The [[Office of Refugee Resettlement]] (ORR) by the [[United States Department of Homeland Security|Department of Homeland Security]] currently works with state and local service providers to provide unaccompanied refugee children with resettlement and foster care services. This service is guaranteed to unaccompanied refugee minors until they reach the age of majority or until they are reunited with their families.<ref>Huemer, Julia, Niranjan S. Karnik, Sabine Voelkl-Kernstock, Elisabeth Granditsch, Kanita Dervic, Max H. Friedrich, and Hans Steiner. "Mental health issues in unaccompanied refugee minors."&nbsp;''Child and adolescent psychiatry and mental health''&nbsp;3, no. 1 (2009): 13.</ref>
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==== Nutrition ====
Refugee children arriving in the United States often come from countries with a high prevalence of undernutrition.<ref name="Lutfy, Caitlyn 2014">Lutfy, Caitlyn, Susan T. Cookson, Leisel Talley, and Roger Rochat. "Malnourished children in refugee camps and lack of connection with services after US resettlement."&nbsp; ''[[Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health]]''&nbsp;16, no. 5 (2014): 1016-1022.</ref> Nearly half of a sample of refugee children who arrived to the American state of Washington, the majority of which were from Iraq, Somalia, and Burma, were found to have at least one form of malnutrition. In the under five age range refugee children had significantly higher rates of [[wasting syndrome]] and [[stunted growth]], as well as a lower prevalence of obesity, in comparison to low-income non-refugee children.<ref name=":17">Dawson-Hahn, Elizabeth E., Suzinne Pak-Gorstein, Andrea J. Hoopes, and Jasmine Matheson. "Comparison of the nutritional status of overseas refugee children with low income children in Washington state."&nbsp; ''PLOS One''&nbsp;11, no. 1 (2016): e0147854.</ref>
 
However, some time after they arrived in the United States and Australia, many refugee children demonstrated an increasing rate of overnutrition. An Australian study, assessing the nutritional status of 337 sub-Saharan African children aged between three and 12 years, found that the prevalence rate for overweight amongst refugee children was 18.4%.<ref>Renzaho, Andre, Carl Gibbons, Boyd Swinburn, Damien Jolley, and Catherine Burns. "Obesity and undernutrition in sub-Saharan African immigrant and refugee children in Victoria, Australia." PhD diss., Healthy Eating Club, 2006.</ref> The prevalence rate of overweight and obesity among refugee children in [[Rhode Island]], increased from 17.3% at initial measurement at first arrival to 35.4% at measurement three years after.<ref>Heney, Jessica H., Camia C. Dimock, Jennifer F. Friedman, and C. Lewis. "Pediatric refugees in Rhode Island: increases in BMI percentile, overweight, and obesity following resettlement."&nbsp; ''RI Med J''&nbsp;98, no. 1 (2015): 43-7.</ref>
 
But the nutritional profiles of refugee children also often vary by their country of origin. A study involving Syrian refugee children in Jordanian refugee camps found them to be on average more likely overweight than acutely malnourished. The low prevalence of acute malnutrition among them was attributed, at least partly, to UNICEF's infant and child feeding interventions, as well as to the distribution of food vouchers by the World Food Programme (WFP).<ref>Bilukha, Oleg O., Douglas Jayasekaran, Ann Burton, Gabriele Faender, James King'ori, Mohammad Amiri, Dorte Jessen, and Eva Leidman. "Nutritional Status of Women and Child Refugees from Syria—Jordan, April–May 2014."&nbsp; ''MMWR Morb Mortal Wkly Rep''&nbsp;63, no. 29 (2014): 638-9.</ref>
 
Among newly arrived refugees in Washington state, significantly higher rates of obesity were observed among Iraqi children, whereas higher rates of stunting were found among Burmese and Somali children. The latter also had higher rates of wasting.<ref name=":17" /> Such variation in the nutrition profiles of refugee children may be explained by the variance in refugees' location and time in transition.<ref>Yun, Katherine, Jasmine Matheson, Colleen Payton, Kevin C. Scott, Barbara L. Stone, Lihai Song, William M. Stauffer, Kailey Urban, Janine Young, and Blain Mamo. "Health profiles of newly arrived refugee children in the United States, 2006–2012."&nbsp; ''American journal of public health''&nbsp;106, no. 1 (2016): 128-135.</ref>
 
==== Communicable diseases ====
Communicable diseases are a pervasive issue faced by refugee children in camps and other temporary settlements. Governments and organizations are working to address a number of them, such as measles, rubella, diarrhea, and cholera. Refugee children often arrive in the United States from countries with a high prevalence of [[Infectious Disease|infectious disease]].<ref name="Lutfy, Caitlyn 2014"/>
 
[[Measles]] has been a major cause of child deaths in refugee camps and among [[internally displaced people]]; measles also exacerbates malnutrition and vitamin A deficiency.<ref name=":182"/><ref>Toole, Michael J., Richard W. Steketee, Ronald J. Waldman, and Phillip Nieburg. "Measles prevention and control in emergency settings."&nbsp; ''Bulletin of the World Health Organization'' 67, no. 4 (1989): 381.</ref> Some countries, such as Kenya, have developed preventive, detective, and curative programs to specifically target measles within the refugee children population. Kenya has reached over 20 million children with a measles and rubella immunization campaign carried out at the national level in May 2016. In 2017 the Kenya Ministry of Health even reported a routine vaccination coverage of 95 percent in the [[Dadaab refugee camp]]. As of April 2017, in response to the first confirmed cases of measles in the camp, UNICEF and UNHCR have collaborated with the Kenya Ministry of Health to swiftly implement an integrated measles vaccination program in Dadaab. The campaign, which has been targeting children aged six to 14 years, also includes screening, treatment referrals for cases of malnutrition, vitamin A supplementation, and deworming.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://www.unicef.org/kenya/media_20054.html|title=UNICEF Kenya responds to measles outbreak in Dadaab Refugee Camp – Over 61,000 children immunized|date=June 1, 2017|work=UNICEF Kenya|access-date=November 26, 2017|archive-date=December 1, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171201080734/https://www.unicef.org/kenya/media_20054.html|url-status=dead}}</ref>
 
Diarrhea, acute watery diarrhea, and [[cholera]] can also put children's lives at risk. Countries, such as Bangladesh, have identified the introduction and development of proper sanitation habits and facilities as potential solutions to these medical conditions. A 2008 study comparing refugee camps in Bangladesh reported that camps with sanitation facilities had cholera rates of 16%, whereas camps without such facilities had cholera rates that were almost three times higher.<ref name=":26" /> In a single week in 2017, 5,011 cases of diarrhea in refugee camps in Cox's Bazar in Bangladesh were reported. In response, UNICEF started a year-long cholera vaccination campaign in October 2017, targeting all children in the camps. At health centers in the refugee camps, UNICEF has been screening for potential cholera cases and providing oral rehydration salts. Community-based health workers are also going around the camps to share information on the risks of acute watery diarrhea, the cholera vaccination campaign, and the importance and necessity of good hygiene practices.<ref>{{Cite news|url=https://blogs.unicef.org/blog/preventing-cholera-in-rohingya-refugee-camps/|title=Racing to prevent cholera in Rohingya refugee camps|last=Reilly|first=Hugh|date=October 9, 2017|work=UNICEF|access-date=November 26, 2017}}</ref>
 
==== Noncommunicable diseases ====
During all points of the refugee experience, refugee children are often at risk of developing several noncommunicable diseases and conditions, such as lead poisoning, obesity, type &nbsp;2 diabetes, and pediatric cancer.
 
Many refugee children come to their host countries with elevated blood lead levels; others encounter lead hazards once they have resettled. A study published in January 2013 found that the blood lead levels of refugee children who had just arrived to the state of New Hampshire were more than twice as likely to be above 10&nbsp;µgμg/dL as the blood lead levels of children born in the United States.<ref>Raymond, Jaime S., Chinaro Kennedy, and Mary Jean Brown. "Blood lead level analysis among refugee children resettled in New Hampshire and Rhode Island."&nbsp;''Public Health Nursing''&nbsp;30, no. 1 (2013): 70-79.</ref> Evidence from the [[Centers for Disease Control and Prevention]] (CDC) in the United States also found that nearly 30% of 242 refugee children in New Hampshire developed elevated blood lead levels within three to six months of their arrival to the United States, even though their levels were not found to be elevated at initial screening.<ref>Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC. "Elevated blood lead levels in refugee children--New Hampshire, 2003-2004."&nbsp;''MMWR. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report''&nbsp;54, no. 2 (2005): 42.</ref> A more recent study reported that refugee children in Massachusetts were 12 times more likely to have blood lead levels over 20&nbsp;µgμg/dL a year after an initial screening than non-refugee children of the same age and living in the same communities.<ref>Eisenberg, Katherine W., Edwin van Wijngaarden, Susan G. Fisher, Katrina S. Korfmacher, James R. Campbell, I. Diana Fernandez, Jennifer Cochran, and Paul L. Geltman. "Blood lead levels of refugee children resettled in Massachusetts, 2000 to 2007."&nbsp;''American journal of public health''&nbsp;101, no. 1 (2011): 48-54.</ref>
 
A study analyzing the medical records of former refugees residing in Rochester, New York, between 1980 and 2012 demonstrated that former child refugees may be at increased risk of [[obesity]], [[Diabetes mellitus type 2|type 2 diabetes]], and [[hypertension]] following resettlement.<ref>Golub, Natalia. "Longitudinal Health Outcomes in Former Refugees." PhD diss., University of Rochester, 2014.</ref>
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==== Mental health and illness ====
Traditionally, the mental health of children experiencing conflict is understood in terms of either post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) or toxic stress.<ref>Thabet, A.A. and P. Vostanis, Post-traumatic stress reactions in children of war. ''J Child Psychol Psychiatry'', 1999. 40(3): p. 385-91.</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Attanayake|first1=Vindya|last2=McKay|first2=Rachel|last3=Joffres|first3=Michel|last4=Singh|first4=Sonal|last5=Burkle|first5=Frederick|last6=Mills|first6=Edward|s2cid=36293042|date=January 2009|title=Prevalence of mental disorders among children exposed to war: a systematic review of 7,920 children|journal=Medicine, Conflict and Survival|language=en|volume=25|issue=1|pages=4–19|doi=10.1080/13623690802568913|pmid=19413154|issn=1362-3699}}</ref> Prolonged and constant exposure to stress and uncertainty, characteristic of a war environment may result in toxic stress that children express with a change in behavior that may include anxiety, self-harm, aggressiveness or suicide.<ref name="SavetheChildren, Invisible Wounds 2017">SavetheChildren, Invisible Wounds: The impact of six years of war on the mental health of Syrian children. 2017.</ref> A 2017 study conducted in Syria by Save the Children determined that 84% of all adults and most children considered ongoing bombing and shelling to be the main psychological stressor, while 89% said that children were more fearful as the war progressed, and 80% said that children had become more aggressive. These stressors are leading causes of the symptoms described above, which lead to diagnosis of PTSD and toxic stress, among other mental conditions. These issues may then be further exacerbated by a forced migration to a foreign country, and the beginning of the process of refugee status determination.<ref name="SavetheChildren, Invisible Wounds 2017"/> A review of refugee children in high-income countries showed PTSD prevalence ranging from 19–54%, with an average prevalence of 36%.<ref name="Founfelker">{{Cite journal|last1=Frounfelker|first1=Rochelle L.|last2=Miconi|first2=Diana|last3=Farrar|first3=Jordan|last4=Brooks|first4=Mohamad Adam|last5=Rousseau|first5=Cécile|last6=Betancourt|first6=Theresa S.|date=2020-04-02|title=Mental Health of Refugee Children and Youth: Epidemiology, Interventions, and Future Directions|journal=Annual Review of Public Health|language=en|volume=41|issue=1|pages=159–176|doi=10.1146/annurev-publhealth-040119-094230|pmid=31910713|pmc=9307067 |issn=0163-7525|doi-access=free}}</ref>
 
Refugee children are extremely vulnerable during migration and resettlement, and may experience long-term pathological effects, due to "disrupted development time". Psychoanalysts of refugee health have proposed that refugee children experience mourning for their culture and countries, despite the fact that the war-torn state of their homes is unsafe. This sudden loss of familiarity places children at a greater risk for mental dysfunction. In addition, studies have shown that refugee children show a higher vulnerability to stress when separated from their families.<ref name=":27"/> Studies from treatment facilities and small community samples have confirmed that refugee youth are at higher risk for psychopathologic disorders, including post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, conduct disorder, and problems resulting from substance abuse.<ref>{{Cite web|title=The Educational and Mental Health Needs of Syrian Refugee Children|url=https://www.migrationpolicy.org/research/educational-and-mental-health-needs-syrian-refugee-children|last=Rogers-Sirin|first=Selcuk R. Sirin, Lauren|date=2015-10-09|website=migrationpolicy.org|language=en|access-date=2020-05-03}}</ref> Refugee children living in high-income countries have a prevalence of depression of 3&ndash;30%, with an average prevalence of 18%.<ref name="Founfelker"/> However, other large-scale community surveys have found that the rate of psychiatric disorder among immigrant youth is not higher than that of native-born children.<ref>Betancourt, Theresa Stichick, and Kashif Tanveer Khan. "The mental health of children affected by armed conflict: protective processes and pathways to resilience."&nbsp; ''International review of psychiatry''&nbsp;20, no. 3 (2008): 317-328.</ref><ref>Rousseau, Cécile, Aline Drapeau, and Sadeq Rahimi. "The complexity of trauma response: a 4-year follow-up of adolescent Cambodian refugees."&nbsp; ''Child abuse & neglect''&nbsp;27, no. 11 (2003): 1277-1290.</ref> Nonetheless, experiments have shown that these adverse outcomes can be prevented through adequate protective factors, such as social support and intimacy.<ref name=":27">Eisenbruch, Maurice. “The Mental Health of Refugee Children and Their Cultural Development.” ''The International Migration Review'', vol. 22, no. 2, 1988, pp. 282–300. ''JSTOR'', JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/2546651.</ref> Additionally, effective adaptation strategies, such as absorption in work and creation of pseudofamilies, have led to successful coping in refugees. Many refugee populations, particularly Southeast Asian, undergo a secondary migration to larger communities of kinfolk from their countries of origin, which serve as social support networks for refugees. Research has shown that family reunification, formation of new social groups, community groups, and social services and professional support have contributed to successful resettlement of refugees.<ref name=":27" />
 
Refugees can be stigmatized if they encounter mental health deficiencies prior to and during their resettlement into a new society.<ref name="Lustig"/>{{rp|p.14}} Differences between parental and host country [[values]] can create a rift between the refugee child and his/her new society.<ref name="Hyman">{{cite journal|last1=Hyman|first1=Ilene|last2=Beiser|first2=Morton|last3=Vu|first3=Nhi|year=1996|title=The Mental Health of Refugee Children in Canada|url=http://pi.library.yorku.ca/ojs/index.php/refuge/article/view/21885|journal=Refuge|volume=15|issue=5|pages=4–8|doi=10.25071/1920-7336.21885|doi-access=free}}</ref>{{rp|p. 5}} Less exposure to stigmatization lowers the risk of refugee children developing PTSD.<ref name="Lustig"/>{{rp|p.14}}
 
===Access to healthcare===
Cognitive and structural barriers make it difficult to determine the medical service utilization rates and patterns of refugee children. A better understanding of these barriers will help improve mental healthcare access for refugee children and their families.<ref>{{cite journal|date=December 2009|title=Help-seeking for mental health problems in young refugees: a review of the literature with implications for policy, practice, and research|journal=Transcult Psychiatry|volume=46|issue=4|pages=584–607|doi=10.1177/1363461509351363|pmid=20028678|vauthors=de Anstiss H, Ziaian T, Procter N, Warland J, Baghurst P|s2cid=23538996}}</ref> It is important for children to access [[healthcare]] for the following reasons: Early interventions and treatments, Prevention of Childhood illnesses, Health tracking.<ref>{{Cite web |last=fastSEO |date=2023-02-24 |title=Why It's Important for Children to Have Access to Healthcare |url=https://pediatrixmd.com/blog/why-its-important-for-children-to-have-access-to-healthcare/ |access-date=2023-11-25 |website=pediatrixmd.com |language=en-US}}</ref>
 
==== Cognitive and emotional barriers ====
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To provide culturally competent care to refugees, mental healthcare providers should demonstrate some understanding of the patient's background, and a sensitive commitment to relevant cultural manners (for example: privacy, gender dynamics, religious customs, and lack of language skills).<ref name="McKeary"/>{{rp|p.527}} The willingness of refugees to access mental healthcare services rests on the degree of cultural sensitivity within the structure of their service provider.<ref name="McKeary"/>{{rp|p.528}}
 
The protective influence exercised by adult refugees on their child and adolescent dependents makes it unlikely that young adult-accompanied refugees will access mental healthcare services. Only 10-3010–30 percent of youth in the general population, with a need for mental healthcare services, are currently accessing care.<ref name="Bean">{{cite journal |vauthors=Bean T, Eurelings-Bontekoe E, Mooijaart A, Spinhoven P |s2cid=26440126 |title=Factors associated with mental health service need and utilization among unaccompanied refugee adolescents |journal=Adm Policy Ment Health |volume=33 |issue=3 |pages=342–55 |date=May 2006 |pmid=16755395 |doi=10.1007/s10488-006-0046-2|hdl=1887/13183 |url=https://openaccess.leidenuniv.nl/bitstream/handle/1887/13183/adm%20policy%20ment%20health%2033%20342-355%20Bean%20et%20al.pdf?sequence=1 }}</ref>{{rp|p.342}} Adolescent ethnic minorities are less likely to access mental healthcare services than youth in the dominant cultural group.
 
Parents, caretakers and teachers are more likely to report an adolescent's need for help, and seek help resources, than the adolescent.<ref name="Bean"/>{{rp|p.348}} Unaccompanied refugee minors are less likely to access mental healthcare services than their accompanied counterparts. Internalizing complaints (such as depression and anxiety) are prevalent forms of psychological distress among refugee children and adolescents.<ref name="Bean"/>{{rp|p.347}}
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Graham, Minhas, and Paxton (2016) note in their study that parents' misunderstandings about educational styles, teachers' low expectations and stereotyping tendencies, bullying and racial discrimination, pre-migration and post-migration trauma, and forced detention can all be risk factors for learning problems in refugee children. They also note that high academic and life ambition, parents' involvement in education, a supportive home and school environment, teachers' understanding of linguistic and cultural heritage, and healthy peer relationships can all contribute to a refugee child's success in school.<ref>Graham, Hamish R., Ripudaman S. Minhas, and Georgia Paxton. "Learning problems in children of refugee background: a systematic review."&nbsp;''Pediatrics''&nbsp;137, no. 6 (2016): e20153994.</ref> While the initial purpose of refugee education was to prepare students to return to their home countries, now the focus of American refugee education is on integration.<ref name=":110"/>
 
In the United States, there is very little policy governing refugee students and their integration into schools. Most policies and policy debate is focused on immigration and asylum itself. This “invisibility"invisibility of refugees”refugees" in government policy is a serious hindrance to the status and stability of refugees in society;<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Taylor |first1=Sandra |last2=Sidhu |first2=Ravinder Kaur |date=January 2012 |title=Supporting refugee students in schools: what constitutes inclusive education? |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13603110903560085 |journal=International Journal of Inclusive Education |volume=16 |issue=1 |pages=39–56 |doi=10.1080/13603110903560085 |s2cid=144125605 |issn=1360-3116}}</ref> it also impacts their access to education and their ability to succeed in their host country. Education services for refugees and immigrants in the United States are inadequate. A recent study revealed that 54% of refugee children in the United States suffer academic problems.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Charbonneau |first1=Sarah |last2=deLeyer-Tiarks |first2=Johanna |last3=Caterino |first3=Linda C. |last4=Bray |first4=Melissa |date=2021-06-09 |title=A meta-analysis of school-based interventions for student refugees, migrants, and immigrants |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10852352.2021.1935190 |journal=Journal of Prevention & Intervention in the Community |volume=50 |issue=4 |pages=434–449 |doi=10.1080/10852352.2021.1935190 |pmid=34107239 |s2cid=235393672 |issn=1085-2352}}</ref> With poor educational support, refugees and immigrants have little social, economic, and political power and are unable to self-advocate. Academic and social education is integral for enhancing their power because it provides them with tools such as language and communication skills and understanding of their host society.
 
===Access to education===
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Schools in North America lack the necessary resources for supporting refugee children, particularly in negotiating their academic experience and in addressing the diverse learning needs of refugee children.<ref name=ISIK-ERCAN>{{cite journal|last=Isik-Ercan|first=Zeynep|title=In Pursuit of a New Perspective in the Education of Children of the Refugees: Advocacy for the Family|journal=Educational Sciences: Theory & Practice|date=Autumn 2012|issue=Special Issue|pages=3025–8|url=https://www.academia.edu/2329285|access-date=15 May 2013}}</ref> Complex schooling policies that vary by classroom, building and district, and procedures that require written communication or parent involvement intimidate the parents of refugee children.<ref name=ISIK-ERCAN /> Educators in North America typically guess the grade in which refugee children should be placed because there is not a standard test or formal interview process required of refugee children.<ref name="Wilkinson"/>{{rp|p.189}}
 
[[File:The Sahrawi refugees – a forgotten crisis in the Algerian desert (5).jpg|thumb|[[Sahrawi people|Sahrawi]] refugee children learning Arabic and Spanish, math, reading and writing, and science subjects.]]
The ability to enroll in school and continue one's studies in [[developing country|developing countries]] is limited and uneven across regions and settings of displacement, particularly for young girls and at the secondary levels.<ref name=Dryden-Peterson>{{cite book|last=Dryden-Peterson|first=Sarah|title=Refugee Education: A Global Review|year=2011|publisher=UNHCR|location=University of Toronto|url=http://www.unhcr.org/4fe317589.pdf}}</ref> The availability of sufficient classrooms and teachers is low and many discriminatory policies and practices prohibit refugee children from attending school.<ref name="Dryden-Peterson" /> Educational policies promoting age-caps can also be harmful to refugee children.<ref name="Wilkinson">{{cite journal |doi=10.1080/13676260220134430 |title=Factors Influencing the Academic Success of Refugee Youth in Canada |year=2002 |last1=Wilkinson |first1=Lori |s2cid=145667964 |journal=Journal of Youth Studies |volume=5 |issue=2 |pages=173–93}}</ref>{{rp|p.176}}
 
Many refugee children face legal restrictions to schooling, even in countries of first asylum.&nbsp; This is the case especially for countries that have not signed the [[Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees|1951 Refugee Convention]] or its [[Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees|1967 Protocol]].<ref name=":15">Dryden-Peterson, Sarah. "Refugee education in countries of first asylum: Breaking open the black box of pre-resettlement experiences."&nbsp;''Theory and Research in Education''&nbsp;14, no. 2 (2016): 131-148.</ref> The 1951 Convention and 1967 Protocol both emphasize the right to education for refugees, articulating the definition of refugeehood in international contexts. Nevertheless, refugee students have one of the lowest rates of access to education. The UNHCR reported in 2014 that about 50 percent of refugee children had access to education compared to children globally at 93 percent.<ref name=":110"/> The UNHCR discusses how refugee education can help reduce [[Child marriage in the United States|child marriage]], child labour, exploitative and dangerous work and teen pregnancy.<ref name=":53"/> However, since only half of refugees have access to education in comparison to children globally, refugee children's needs and achievements remain largely unmet and invisible. The lack of access to education for refugees, according to the UNHCR, treats education as a "luxury" and not the "necessity" that it is.<ref name=":53" /> In countries where they lack official refugee status, refugee children are unable to enroll in national schools.<ref name=":16">Dryden-Peterson, Sarah. "The educational experiences of refugee children in countries of first asylum."&nbsp;''Migration Policy Institute''&nbsp;(2015).</ref> In Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, unregistered refugee children described being hesitant to go to school, due to risk of encountering legal authorities at school or while on the way to and from school.<ref name=":16" />
[[File:The Right to Education - Refugees.jpg|thumb|Syrian refugee students attend to a school in Lebanon.]]
If refugee education programs exist they are weak in impact because they lack structure. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) stresses the importance of including refugee education in national and city planning, in order to attain consistency in funding and curriculum.<ref>{{Cite book |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/azu_acku_pamphlet_hv640_4_a28_u643_2001 |title=UNHCR Afghan refugee statistics 10 Sep 2001 / United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). |date=2001 |publisher=University of Arizona Libraries|doi=10.2458/azu_acku_pamphlet_hv640_4_a28_u643_2001 }}</ref> There need to be policies and programs in place to help refugees and immigrant children.  Refugee children experience so many changes and hardships, including disruptions in their schooling; schools need to be a grounding and stable place for them, otherwise they will not learn to their best potential. Schools need to help students navigate everyday life in a foreign place.<ref name=":02">{{Cite journal |last1=McIntyre |first1=Joanna |last2=Neuhaus |first2=Sinikka |last3=Blennow |first3=Katarina |date=2018-09-26 |title=Participatory parity in schooling and moves towards ordinariness: a comparison of refugee education policy and practice in England and Sweden |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057925.2018.1515007 |journal=Compare: A Journal of Comparative and International Education |volume=50 |issue=3 |pages=391–409 |doi=10.1080/03057925.2018.1515007 |s2cid=149876945 |issn=0305-7925}}</ref> Schools are also protection for refugee and immigrant children who are particularly vulnerable to trafficking and other forms of violence and forced labor due to a lack of knowledge of their host societies.<ref name=":02" />
 
Line 222 ⟶ 223:
| publisher = University of Toronto Press: Toronto
| year = 2011 }}</ref>{{rp|p.67}} Other obstacles may include:<ref name="McBriden" />
*Disrupted schooling - refugee children may experience disruptive schooling in their country of origin, or they may receive no form of education at all. It is extremely difficult for a student with no previous education to enter a school full of educated children.<ref name="Stewart" />{{rp|p.71}}
* Trauma - can impede the ability to learn and cause fear of people in positions of authority (such as teachers and principals)<ref name="McBriden" />{{rp|p.340}}
* School drop outs - due to self-perceptions of academic ability, antisocial behaviour, rejection from peers and/or a lack of educational preparation prior to entering the host-country school. School drop outs may also be caused by unsafe school conditions, poverty, etc.<ref name="McBriden" />{{rp|p.341}}
* Parents - when parental involvement and support are lacking, a child's academic success decreases substantially. Refugee parents are often unable to help their children with homework due to language barriers. Parents often do not understand the concept of parent-teacher meetings and/or never expect to be a part of their child's education due to pre-existing cultural beliefs.
* Assimilation - a refugee child's attempt to quickly [[Cultural assimilation|assimilate]] into the culture of their school can cause alienation from their parents and country of origin and create barriers and tension between the parent and child.<ref name="McBriden" />{{rp|p.340–344}}
* Social and individual rejection - hostile discrimination can cause additional trauma when refugee children and treated cruelly by their peers<ref name="McBriden" />{{rp|p.350}}
* Identity confusion<ref name="McBriden" />{{rp|p.352}}
* Behavioral issues - caused by the adjustment issues and survival behaviours learned in refugee camps<ref name="McBriden" />{{rp|p.355}}
 
===Role of teachers===
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Teachers in the United States often have little experience with the trauma that refugees often face. They also lack training on how to treat students who have experienced trauma.<ref name=":310"/> They often see refugee students as burdens and their different cultures and languages as barriers not assets to their education.<ref name=":111"/> This type of treatment of refugee students that diminish their capabilities have grave consequences such as negative developmental outcomes.<ref>{{Cite journal |last1=Wenzing |first1=Julia Marie Christina |last2=Gharaei |first2=Nadya |last3=Demir |first3=Zeynep |last4=Schachner |first4=Maja Katharina |date=2021-11-16 |title=Do Parental and Peer Support Protect Adjustment in the Face of Ethnic Discrimination? A Comparison between Refugee Youth and Youth of Immigrant Descent |journal=International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health |volume=18 |issue=22 |pages=12016 |doi=10.3390/ijerph182212016 |pmid=34831802 |pmc=8625724 |issn=1660-4601|doi-access=free }}</ref>
 
A booklet published in 2000 written by Dr. Sheila and Dr. Dick detailed the ways teachers can approach refugee children in school as well as the common problems refugee children present with at school.<ref name=":29">{{Cite journal|last=Blackwell|first=Dick|date=2000|title=Far from the Battle but Still at War: Troubled Refugee Children in School.|url=https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED462489.pdf|journal=Opinion Papers|volume=120|pages=1–26}}</ref> According to the booklet, refugees can come from traumatizing situations and thus may struggle with school attendance, literacy, and their cultural identity.<ref name=":29" /> The problems are said to present themselves as anger, withdrawal, issues with authority, concentration, rules, and other inappropriate behavior.<ref name=":29" /> The booklet suggests that teachers address those issues by helping children manage their behavior and emotions.<ref name=":29" /> According to Dr. Sheila and Dr. Dick, teachers can do so by knowing what the children need, being supportive, and turning them to specialists if need be.<ref name=":29" />
 
The study focuses on how teachers can educate themselves on their students' situations.<ref name=":30">{{Cite journal |last=Strekalova |first=Ekaterina |date=2008 |title=What Is Special about Special Needs of Refugee Children? |url=https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ822395.pdf |journal=Multicultural Education |volume=16 |pages=21–24}}</ref> One study encourages teachers to be aware of common behavioral problems that refugee children may exhibit in the classroom like anger, withdrawal, rule testing, problems with authority, inability to concentrate, inappropriate behavior, lower academic achievement.<ref name=":30" /> The study also notes how refugee children often exhibit this behavior because they are put into a different cultural context, face [[discrimination]], live with families in low socioeconomic circumstances, have no family, and/or have conflicts with their traditional cultural beliefs.<ref name=":30" /> The International Network of Public Schools is a model that can be emulated by schools serving immigrant students or English language learners. These schools prepare teachers specifically for working with refugee and immigrant students. In one example, Strekalova explains that the "most frequent stressful events Croatian refugee children have experienced prior to coming to the United States include: "loss of home (80%), loss of personal belongings (66.7%), separation from family members (66.7%), damage to property (48.9%), exposure to enemy attacks (46.7%), and death of a family member or friend (37.8%).<ref name=":302">{{Cite journal|last=Strekalova|first=Ekaterina|date=2008|title=What Is Special about Special Needs of Refugee Children?|url=https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/EJ822395.pdf|journal=Multicultural Education|volume=16|pages=21–24}}</ref> Experiences such as these heavily shape a student's learning ability and educational needs. Teachers must be equipped with not only increased training to address students facing these issues, but the ability to increase student participation in their instruction and allow for the classroom assimilation of students with limited backgrounds in formal education<ref name=":302" /> According to the study, teachers who understand these barriers refugee children face and thus the inappropriate behavior they may exhibit can help their students have a more positive school experience.<ref name=":30" />
 
A book published in 2022 written by Dr. [[Sarah Dryden-Peterson]], titled ''Right Where We Belong: How Refugee Teachers and Students are Changing the Future of Education'', explores the contributions of refugee teachers and students and what they are doing to support themselves and their communities around the world. It is based on over 600 interviews with teachers and students over 15 years of work in 23 countries.<ref>{{Cite book |title=Right Where We Belong — Sarah Dryden-Peterson |url=https://www.hup.harvard.edu/catalog.php?isbn=9780674267992 |access-date=2022-10-08 |website=www.hup.harvard.edu | date=5 April 2022 | publisher=Harvard University Press | isbn=9780674267992 |language=en}}</ref><ref>{{Cite web |title=Right Where We Belong: How Refugee Teachers and Students Are Changing the Future of Education |url=https://www.reach.gse.harvard.edu/right-where-we-belong-key-takeaways |access-date=2022-10-08 |website=REACH at Harvard Graduate School of Education |language=en-US}}</ref>
 
====Academic adjustment of refugee children====
[[File:Syrian refugee children.jpg|thumb|Syrian refugee children attend a lesson in a UNICEF temporary classroom in northern Lebanon, July 2014.]]
Teachers can make the transition to a new school easier for refugee children by providing [[Language interpretation|interpreters]].<ref name="Szente" /> Schools meet the psychosocial needs of children affected by war or displacement through programs that provide children with avenues for emotional expression, personal support, and opportunities to enhance their understanding of their past experience.<ref name="Roussea, Cecile & Guzder, Jaswant">{{cite journal |vauthors=Rousseau C, Guzder J |title=School-based prevention programs for refugee children |journal=Child Adolesc Psychiatr Clin N Am |volume=17 |issue=3 |pages=533–49, viii |date=July 2008 |pmid=18558311 |doi=10.1016/j.chc.2008.02.002}}</ref>{{rp|p.536}} Refugee children benefit from a case-by-case approach to learning, because every child has had a different experience during their resettlement. Communities where the refugee populations are bigger should work with the schools to initiate after school, summer school, or weekend clubs that give the children more opportunities to adjust to their new educational setting.<ref name="Szente" />
 
Line 264 ⟶ 265:
Studies performed by Koyama and Chang in Arizona show that refugee students benefit from programs which appreciate, rather than seek to eradicate, their cultural and ethnic backgrounds, forging ties between their identities and new experiences.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Koyama|first1=Jill|last2=Chang|first2=Ethan|date=2018-10-17|title=Schools as Refuge? The Politics and Policy of Educating Refugees in Arizona|journal=Educational Policy|volume=33|issue=1|pages=136–157|doi=10.1177/0895904818807319|s2cid=149480878|issn=0895-9048|doi-access=free}}</ref> Classical assimilation negatively impacts refugee education by making assimilation more difficult from the start, in addition to perpetuating prejudice and ethnic discrimination. By exalting American identity as the standard, classical assimilation perpetuates racial hierarchies and stereotypes. The second method, acculturation and assimilation into the urban underclass, is even more susceptible to exacerbating institutionalized racism and legacies of xenophobia. Acculturation and assimilation into the urban underclass refers to assimilation into disadvantaged and impoverished communities within the United States, furthering the cycle of poverty and struggle that many refugees are seeking to escape in the first place. This second method is again an example of legacies of racism and xenophobia, as it preys upon the historic marginalization of ethnic minority communities in the United States. Additionally, public education in the United States for the urban underclass faces a variety of issues independent of refugee education programs – the second method of assimilation results in refugees assimilating to communities that are historically underserved educationally, even without taking into account the various barriers and negative impacts of poorly run refugee education programs.<ref name=":412">{{Cite journal|last1=Xie|first1=Yu|last2=Greenman|date=May 2011|title=The social context of assimilation: testing implications of segmented assimilation theory.|journal=Social Science Research Journal|volume=40|issue=3|pages=965–984|doi=10.1016/j.ssresearch.2011.01.004|pmid=21572546|pmc=3093090}}</ref>
 
The International Network of Public Schools have established schools in the United States that are specific for refugee students but also provide a framework where students will eventually be integrated in the public school systems and in society in a way that values their culture and background.<ref name=":23"/> They do this by having small classes to offer personalized learning for each refugee student. They also offer a holistic support system for students by having dedicated teams of 5-65–6 teachers, counselors, and advisors assigned to support students. These teams meet regularly to discuss how they can support students with the challenges they are facing.<ref name=":23" /> Refugee students are also supported in learning English so they can begin assimilating into their host societies.<ref name=":23" />
 
=== Peace education ===
Implemented by UNICEF from 2012 to 2016 and funded by the Government of the Netherlands, Peacebuilding, Education, and Advocacy (PBEA) was an education program that aimed to improve peacebuilding.<ref>Affolter, Friedrich W. "Indicators for Education for Peacebuilding in Fragile States UNICEF’s Peacebuilding, Education and Advocacy Program."</ref> The PBEA program in Kenya's [[Dadaab refugee camp]] aimed to strengthen resilience and social cohesion in the camp, as well as between refugees and the host community.<ref name=":15" /> The initiative was composed of two parts: the Peace Education Programme (PEP), an in-school program taught in Dadaab's primary schools, and the Sports for Development and Peace (SDP) program for refugee adolescents and youth. There was anecdotal evidence of increased levels of social cohesion from participation in PEP and potential resilience from participation in SDP.<ref name=":15" />
 
Peace education for refugee children may also have limitations and its share of opponents. Although [[peace education]] from past programs involving non-refugee populations reported to have had positive effects,<ref>Arnon, Michal, and Yair Galily. "Monitoring the effects of an education for peace program: An Israeli perspective."&nbsp; ''Human Affairs''&nbsp;24, no. 4 (2014): 531-544.</ref><ref>Levy, Gal. "Is there a place for peace education? Political education and citizenship activism in Israeli schools."&nbsp; ''Journal of Peace Education''&nbsp;11, no. 1 (2014): 101-119.</ref> studies have found that the attitudes of parents and teachers can also have a strong influence on students' internalization of peace values.<ref>Yahya, Siham, Zvi Bekerman, Shifra Sagy, and Simon Boag. "When education meets conflict: Palestinian and Jewish-Israeli parental attitudes towards peace promoting education."&nbsp; ''Journal of Peace Education''&nbsp;9, no. 3 (2012): 297-320.</ref> Teachers from [[Cyprus]] also resisted a [[peace education]] program initiated by the government.<ref>Zembylas, Michalinos, Panayiota Charalambous, and Constadina Charalambous. "Manifestations of Greek-Cypriot teachers' discomfort toward a peace education initiative: Engaging with discomfort pedagogically."&nbsp; ''Teaching and Teacher Education''&nbsp;28, no. 8 (2012): 1071-1082.</ref> Another study found that, while teachers supported the prospect of reconciliation, ideological and practical concerns made them uncertain about the effective implementation of a peace education program.<ref>Zembylas, Michalinos, Constadina Charalambous, Panayiota Charalambous, and Panayiota Kendeou. "Promoting peaceful coexistence in conflict-ridden Cyprus: Teachers’ difficulties and emotions towards a new policy initiative."&nbsp; ''Teaching and Teacher Education''&nbsp;27, no. 2 (2011): 332-341.</ref>
 
=== Pedagogical Approaches ===
Refugees fall into a unique situation where the nation-state may not adequately address their educational needs, and the international relief system is tasked with the role of a "pseudo-state" in developing a curriculum and pedagogical approach.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Larsen|first1=Marianne A.|last2=Beech|first2=Jason|date=May 2014|title=Spatial Theorizing in Comparative and International Education Research|journal=Comparative Education Review|volume=58|issue=2|pages=191–214|doi=10.1086/675499|issn=0010-4086|hdl=11336/33475|s2cid=27202776|hdl-access=free}}</ref><ref name=":28">{{Cite journal|last1=Waters|last2=Leblanc|date=2005|title=Refugees and Education: Mass Public Schooling without a Nation-State|journal=Comparative Education Review|volume=49|issue=2|pages=129|doi=10.1086/428102|issn=0010-4086|jstor=3542160|s2cid=145511199}}</ref> Critical pedagogical approaches to refugee education address the phenomenon of alienation that migrant students face in schools outside of their home countries, where the positioning of English language teachers and their students create power dynamics emphasizing the inadequacies of foreign-language speakers, intensified by the use of compensatory programs to cater to 'at-risk' students.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=McInerney|first=Peter|s2cid=143659667|date=February 2009|title=Toward a critical pedagogy of engagement for alienated youth: insights from Freire and school‐basedschool-based research|journal=Critical Studies in Education|volume=50|issue=1|pages=23–35|doi=10.1080/17508480802526637|issn=1750-8487|doi-access=free}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Yoon|first=Bogum|s2cid=145759227|date=June 2008|title=Uninvited Guests: The Influence of Teachers' Roles and Pedagogies on the Positioning of English Language Learners in the Regular Classroom|journal=American Educational Research Journal|volume=45|issue=2|pages=495–522|doi=10.3102/0002831208316200|issn=0002-8312}}</ref> In order to adequately address state-less migrant populations, curricula has to be relevant to the experiences of transnational youth.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Bajaj|first1=Monisha|last2=Argenal|first2=Amy|last3=Canlas|first3=Melissa|s2cid=149136084|date=2017-07-03|title=Socio-Politically Relevant Pedagogy for Immigrant and Refugee Youth|journal=Equity & Excellence in Education|volume=50|issue=3|pages=258–274|doi=10.1080/10665684.2017.1336499|issn=1066-5684}}</ref><ref>{{Cite journal|last=Avalos|first=Beatrice|date=January 1992|title=Education for the Poor: Quality or relevance?|journal=British Journal of Sociology of Education|volume=13|issue=4|pages=419–436|doi=10.1080/0142569920130402|issn=0142-5692}}</ref> One way to incorporate the experiences of transnational youth in the classroom is through what scholars have described as Narrative and Constructive Education. In Narrative and Constructive Education, teachers are often themselves immigrants and they share their own personal experience to "connect and inspire their students".<ref name=":42">{{Cite book|last=Bonneville|first=Lucie|title=A Model for Student Success: How Immigrant/First Generation Teachers Use Cultural Identity and Experience in Pedagogical Practices with Immigrant/First-Generation Youth|publisher=Honors College|year=2019}}</ref> This teaching method has proved to be effective in a case study of schools that are part of Ednovate, a charter school management company located in Southern California that contains a majority ethnic immigrant and first-generation population.<ref name=":42"/> When students "interact with teachers that come from a similar background, their interest in schooling increases".<ref name=":42"/> This type of instruction can help motivate refugee children to advance their education as they are able to identify with their authoritative figures. Another pedagogical approach that can be incorporated is an inclusive language approach. In 2005, Arnot and Pinson's study discussed the "ethos of inclusion" as an important characteristic of schools that have refugee students. This classroom approach provided "intensive language and learning support... used visual resources to provide information" and developed "a student-centred, inclusive curriculum which is designed to provide a learning environment and structure suitable for a whole range of students".<ref>{{Cite book|last=Arnot & Pinson|title=The Education of Asylum Seeker and Refugee Children: A Study of LEA and school values, policies, and practices|publisher=Cambridge University|year=2005}}</ref><ref>{{Cite book|last=Taylor & Sidhu|title=Supporting Refugee Students in Schools: What Constitutes Inclusive Education|publisher=International Journal of Inclusive Education|year=2012}}</ref> Pedagogical researchers and policy makers can benefit from lessons learned through participatory action research in refugee camps, where student cited decreased self-esteem associated with a lack of education.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Cooper|first=Elizabeth|date=2007|title=Praxis in a Refugee Camp? Meanings of Participation and Empowerment for Long-Term Refugee Youth|journal=Children, Youth and Environments|volume=17|issue=3|pages=104–21|doi=10.1353/cye.2007.0036 |jstor=10.7721/chilyoutenvi.17.3.0104|s2cid=258964799 }}</ref>
 
== Extracurricular resources ==
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Dr. Pastoor's 2016 research article also detailed the benefits of activities beyond school that may benefit refugee learning and social inclusion.<ref name=":35">{{Cite journal|last=Pastoor|first=Lutine de Wal|s2cid=151377569|date=2017-03-04|title=Reconceptualising refugee education: exploring the diverse learning contexts of unaccompanied young refugees upon resettlement|journal=Intercultural Education|volume=28|issue=2|pages=143–164|doi=10.1080/14675986.2017.1295572|issn=1467-5986}}</ref> For example, community wide collaboration between the school and surrounding organizations can help refugee students achieve their full potential.<ref name=":35" /> Dr. Wellman's and Dr. Bey's research in art education found that [[Visual arts|visual]] arts may help refugee students find their own role in and out of school through collaborations between museums, schools, and art exhibitions.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Wellman|first1=Sascha|last2=Bey|first2=Sharif|s2cid=74054009|date=2015-11-01|title=Refugee Children and Art Teacher Training: Promoting Language, Self-Advocacy, and Cultural Preservation|journal=Art Education|volume=68|issue=6|pages=36–44|doi=10.1080/00043125.2015.11519346|issn=0004-3125}}</ref> Dr. Brunick's paper also found that art served as a valuable extracurricular tool for refugees to reconcile with psychological trauma.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Brunick|first=Lisa Lefler|date=1999-07-01|title=Listen to My Picture: Art as a Survival Tool for Immigrant and Refugee Students|url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00043125.1999.11650864|journal=Art Education|volume=52|issue=4|pages=12–17|doi=10.1080/00043125.1999.11650864|s2cid=53933899 |issn=0004-3125}}</ref> According to Dr. O'Shea's 2000 article, inside the school but outside of the curriculum, school based mental health services have been shown to reduce SDQ scores and dramatic positive implications to those exposed to SES and traumatic adversities.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=O’shea|first1=Bridget|last2=Hodes|first2=Matthew|last3=Down|first3=Gwynneth|last4=Bramley|first4=John|s2cid=143688498|date=2000-04-01|title=A School-Based Mental Health Service for Refugee Children|journal=Clinical Child Psychology and Psychiatry|language=en|volume=5|issue=2|pages=189–201|doi=10.1177/1359104500005002004|issn=1359-1045}}</ref> The study conducted by Dr. Thomas recommended training for school social workers to help refugee children manage stress and trauma.<ref name=":31" /> Dr. Daniel's 2018 article found that refugee children can themselves use [[translanguaging]] and social media to themselves complete their school work which teachers and educators can build upon to help teens with this multifaceted work.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Daniel|first=Shannon M.|s2cid=149670521|date=2018-07-03|title=Resettled Refugee Youth Leveraging Their Out-of-School Literacy Practices to Accomplish Schoolwork|journal=Mind, Culture, and Activity|volume=25|issue=3|pages=263–277|doi=10.1080/10749039.2018.1481092|issn=1074-9039}}</ref> A 2017 research paper also found that refugee children express their individuality and culture through drawings, think-aloud techniques, and Acculturation, Habits, and Interests Multicultural Scale for Adolescent instrument in order them to cope with their transitions and express their culture.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Edwards|first=Cherie Dionne|date=2017-06-20|title=Examining Acculturation Strategies in Immigrant and Refugee Youth: A Mixed Methods Approach to Arts-Informed Research|hdl=10919/78229|url=http://hdl.handle.net/10919/78229|language=en}}</ref>
 
A research paper focused on policies put in place for refugees in the school system indicated that refugees in Jordan often face institutional discrimination where they do not have the same access to extracurricular activities.<ref name=":40">{{Cite web|url=https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000366839|title=Enforcing the right to education of refugees: a policy perspective|date=2019|website=unesdoc.unesco.org|access-date=2020-04-20}}</ref> According to the paper, funding for refugee education often comes from an emergency fund leading to a lack in long term-planning, which can lead to refugees being educated in separate schools and informal community based schools. Iran has a policy including refugees into their education system allowing refugees to join in the same extracurricular programs.<ref name=":40" /> As for extracurricular participation, a 2016 publication noted that refugee children often have similar amounts of participation in most extracurricular school activities; however, they are less likely to participate in after school sports activities, attend day care, and participate in a parent-child conference.<ref>{{Cite journal|last1=Spieß|first1=C. Katharina|last2=Westermaier|first2=Franz|last3=Marcus|first3=Jan|date=2016|title=Children and adolescents with refugee background less likely to participate in voluntary educational programs - with exception of extracurricular school activities|url=https://www.econstor.eu/handle/10419/146521|journal=DIW Economic Bulletin|volume=6|issue=34/35|pages=422–430|issn=2192-7219|hdl=10419/146521|hdl-access=free}}</ref> A 2011 review noted that schools alone do not provide enough support for refugees and their cultural and linguistic needs. Thus the paper suggests that secondary school programs like the Refugee Action Support (RAS) program can benefit refugee literacy by creating a partnership of schools and non-government organizations.<ref>{{Cite journal|last=Naidoo|first=Loshini|date=February 2011|title=What Works?: A Program of Best Practice for Supporting the Literacy Needs of Refugee High School Students|url=http://search.informit.com.au/documentSummary;dn=730562518239865;res=IELHSS|journal=Literacy Learning: The Middle Years|language=EN|volume=19|issue=1|pages=29}}</ref>
 
=== Programs ===
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Likewise, limited attention is being given to refugee children with disabilities in the United Kingdom. It was reported in February 2017 that its government has decided to partially suspend the Vulnerable Children's Resettlement Scheme, originally set to resettle 3,000 children with their families from countries in the Middle East and North Africa. As a result of this suspension, no youth with complex needs, including those with disabilities and learning difficulties, would be accepted into the program until further notice.<ref name=":25" />
 
Countries may often overlook refugee children with disabilities with regards to humanitarian aid, because data on refugee children with disabilities are limited. Roberts and Harris (1990) note that there is insufficient statistical and empirical information on disabled refugees in the United Kingdom.<ref>Roberts, Keri, and Jennifer Harris.&nbsp; ''Disabled refugees and asylum seekers in Britain: Numbers and social characteristics''. University of York, Social Policy Research Unit, 1999.</ref> While it was reported in 2013 that 26 percent of all Syrian refugees in Jordan had impaired physical, intellectual, or sensory abilities, such data specifically for children do not exist.<ref>{{Cite web|url=http://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/handicapinternational/pages/454/attachments/original/1397045203/Hidden_Victims_of_the_Syrian_Crisis%E2%80%94disabled__injured_and_older_refugees.pdf?1397045203|title=Hidden victims of the Syrian crisis: disabled, injured and older refugees|date=2014|website=Handicap International, HelpAge International}}</ref>
 
==See also==
Line 306 ⟶ 307:
*[[Education for refugees, migrants and internally displaced persons]]
*[[Finnish war children]]
*[[Mobile learning for refugees]]
*[[Refugee women]]
*[[Refugee health]]
Line 314 ⟶ 315:
*[[UNICEF]]
*[[United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees|UNHCR]]
*[[UNRWA]]
*[[Third country resettlement]]
*[[Asylum in the United States]]
*[[International Centre for Missing & Exploited Children]]
*[[International Missing Children's Day]]
 
==References==